Monday, June 5, 2017

Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Surrender message of Biafra warlords

It could be the case that you are still suffering from the nightmares and that is why you remain in your own history and not the history of the end of Biafra war. And it ended the existence of Biafra on January 15, 1970.  
SO

Sent from my iPhone 

On Jun 5, 2017, at 10:12 PM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:


"I don't know what Obi Nwakanma stands to gain by twisting and denying facts of history."

S. Kadiri


The question would be which history? Whose history. And what facts? I do not share the same history with you. I lived in Biafra, you did not. I saw death and the impact of death on fighting men on a scale that you can only imagine. You have never felt the shattering power of artillery in your life, and you sit only from the distance pontificating on a history you read only in newspapers, and stories you heard second hand from men who saw battle, or even their children, who sometimes had to nurse them through their nightmares. You have quoted Effiong, but below is the other side to the story, and it is the voice of "Air Raid" Achuzia. We do not have the same history. And you cannot tell my own story. It'd be utterly presumptuous of you.

Obi Nwakanma



___________________________

"So was Biafra defeated?

Of course, not. Biafra was never de­feated. If anybody…

(Cuts in) But you surrendered.

We didn't surrender. If there was a sur­render, there must be a surrender terms of agreement. There must be a paper to that effect. Let them publish the terms of surrender, so that the country will know. It has been so many years since the war ended. Any document that is being kept should now come out of the archives, so that we should be able to know exactly what took place.

Are you still bitter about how the war ended?

If I was bitter, I wouldn't have taken the steps that I took that brought about the end of the war.

What were the steps?

The steps that I took were first being told by the members of our exco to bring the war to an end. I could have said no, that I will not, because to bring a war to an end requires certain amount of know­how and techniques. And if you don't put it right, it will escalate the battle. But if you handle it properly the way we han­dled it, everything dies down. The federal troops picked up their guns, went back to their camps. Our troops picked up their weapons and went home.

That was why there was no exchange of prisoners of war, no exchange of weapons seized. Is that how a war of such magnitude should end? And some people are saying that they won? If they won, there would be prisoners of war."

-General Joe Achuzia, Biafra War Commander in the Sun Newspaper, May 12, 2016. Full interview below.

___________________________






HomeCoverBiafra: We didn't surrender –Col Joe Achuzia (retd)

Biafra: We didn't surrender –Col Joe Achuzia (retd)

 

…Show the world the surrender documents, Achuzia challenges FG, others

" We didn't surrender. If there was a surrender, there must be a surrender terms of agreement. There must be a paper to that effect. Let them publish the terms of surrender, so that the country will know."

By Chidi Obineche

Former Biafra warlord, Col Joe Achuzia (Air raid) reminisces on the Nigeria–Biafra war, concluding that the short-lived Biafra republic was neither defeated, nor surrendered. The famous author of Requiem Biafra and General Secretary of IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) also speaks on the recent Enugu killings by Fulani herdsmen, declaring that nobody has the monopoly of aggression. He added that those who believe that Nigeria is indivisible are living in a fool's paradise. Sunday Sun met him at his residence in Asaba.

Do you believe Nigeria has got it right, after 17 years of democracy?

My own opinion is that we have never got the situation right since after the first coup in 1966. Democracy means a political arrangement by the people, for the people. In other words there must be a concord or disagreement between the led and the leaders. In this instance, since the 1966 coup took place and the military came on board, the military introduced a system of government where aspects of development are arrested and the majority of those being led are at the bottom. Within that system, it is the person at the top that gives the order. What he wants, with his cronies around him is what takes place. But in a democracy, it is supposed to be the wishes of the people, and for democracy to work, the top hierarchy must be weak enough to derive its strength from the lower bottom, where the masses are. It is the wishes of the masses that make for democracy, not the autocracy of the person on top.

Do you attribute the prevailing ethno-religious tension and clashes as manifes­tations of the dictatorship you are talking about and where do you think it will lead to?

The ethnic clashes have always been about the pogrom. It was ethnic clashes that led us into a civil war, or what you can call a genocidal war. It was a one-sided genocidal war, that we on our side were able to defend ourselves. I will always say thanks to the Almighty who gave us the knowhow and the ingenuity to be able to ward off a war that would have decimated and wiped off the Igbo nation from the map of the world. That notwithstanding, ethnic clashes have two factors that one should look into.

First, nobody whose land or ethnic environment looks good and serves the people well, will dare to move out of their own surrounding and go to lay down their lives in another person's territory in an attempt to possess that place. It is only when a group finds wherever they are unfavourable and uninhab­itable that the thought of venturing or adventuring into other people's territory becomes the vogue. At the moment, ethnic clashes in Nigeria, have what we call environmental problem, which even the government hasn't been able to look into. They continue thinking it is a political arrangement that can be solved politically. No. I don't believe that.

The Fulani herdsmen/farmers clashes in the south, which I believe is what you are alluding to has consumed many lives. How do you think it can be resolved?

The issue of Fulani herdsmen could be solved, but not the way our present government is treating it. The way our present government is pursuing it, taking into consideration all the hate accusations and hate propaganda that took place during the last election, and within the last 12 years to be precise, is wrong. When Jonathan was in power; all that was coming out from the north was that we will make the government ungovernable; we will make the country ungovernable. Somehow, political pundits will say they were able to make the country ungov­ernable. Now the situation is that the same people who were saying that they will make the country ungovernable are now the people in government. Their coming into government was predicated on the adventures of Boko Haram, which, they said, they will put a stop to. Instead of Boko Haram, we are now hearing about the Fulani herdsmen.

These herdsmen are the same people who at­tacked people from the middle belt since the past seven years or more, and shifted them from the west bank of Benue state into the eastern part, and it has taken almost three years for the same people (Fulani herdsmen) to cross River Benue to the eastern side and killed these ethnic people that live there; and are now pursuing them into Plateau State. And while at Plateau State, they are now pursuing them as if the instructions given to them are pursue and occupy. You don't burn houses and kill people so that cows can graze. We are shocked that the herdsmen that we used to know are involved in these kind of kill­ings. I ask myself, is it Boko Haram metamorphos­ing into a specie called herdsmen by virtue of the fact that they are all armed? For them to be armed, somebody must be arming them, and I don't believe that any sensible Fulani person will go out of their way to arm the herdsmen who they expect will carry their herds down south­wards , so that they will make money out of it. By using sophisticated weapons and arms against the people who they expect to buy the cows, means that they are not really interested in taking their flock down south for economic purposes. It is an adven­ture into land occupation, and if it is that, what hap­pened recently in Enugu is a clear signal to us. It is a declaration of war, and we have taken note. We will not tolerate such a situation happening again. Any more move of such nature will meet with force. Our neighbours in the middle belt have been fight­ing them, and they have now gone beyond them to our doorsteps. As far as I am concerned, to be cau­tious doesn't mean that you are afraid. Caution is a state of stop and think, and prepare so that you are not taken by surprise.

How do you see what happened as a decla­ration of war?

If you listened to the statement of the governor of Enugu State, and that of the security officials, they had up to four, five days notice. How did that warning reach them? And what action did they take? The governor said he called a security meeting, which is the proper thing to do. But instead of action from the security officials, they were telling him to reach the president. But unfortunate­ly, the response that should have come from the president was not forthcoming, and as a result the officers refused to act claiming that they are federal officers. And so the threat took place as scheduled, and those that came from Nasarawa state were fully armed. Who are those that we know that are fully armed in Nigeria? They are Boko Ha­ram. In other words, are they trying to tell us that Boko Haram has headquarters in Nasarawa State. If that is so, Boko Haram is already at our doorsteps masquerading as Fulani herdsmen.

Now you have got the notice for declaration of war, what is to be done?

When you get a notice of declaration of war, you put the mechanism of diplomacy in place. That way, discus­sions on the ways and means of averting any clashes that will take human lives. But at the same time, you that got the warning will reply by telling the other side that you have received the notice, and that you are sending words back that any more move of this nature, you will not wait for interpretation. You will react automatically.

Have you put the mechanisms you just enu­merated in place?

Of course! Do you expect us to sit back and wait for other communities to be attacked? Of course not! I said earlier that caution is not fear. We were cautious by not reacting immediately, because if we do that things will go bad. The period or the need for diplomacy would have eluded us. The government will now listen to what we are saying, because the threats from these herdsmen have been with us for a long time. We have been tolerating it because we felt it is because of lack of education on how to handle animal husbandry. They are used to nomadic ways of life of moving from place to place, but what has happened in the last few years is not nomadic way of life. It seems to be a deliberate external action. The only way of getting weapons is through external sources. To say we don't know where the weapons are coming from is a lie. Boko Haram doesn't get their weapons from the ports in Port Harcourt or Lagos.

Is it just Boko Haram you are suspecting; or you feel there is state involvement?

Boko Haram has disrupted the structure in parts of the north by claiming that they are a religious organization on a jihad. It is for this reason that sometimes we tend to associate what Boko Haram is doing with islamization of the country. But most of our friends who are Muslims say Boko Haram are not Muslims. Boko Haram have declared that they are here to gain territories. They have had time to establish themselves in some states in the north. It is possible that they have changed their tactics by fusing with these Fulani herdsmen, find minor jobs, and interact with the local people while waiting for or­ders. That's why I say that a message of war declaration has been sent to us and we have taken note. We will now start searching to make sure that any remaining camp of Fulanis within our territory does not contain arms dump, ammunition dump and terrorists.

Do you believe that the herdsmen attack has given fillip to the struggle for Biafra?

The struggle for Biafra has been going on since the day the war stopped. The Federal Government failed to do what the three " R's" suggested . We sent a lot of our children abroad during the war, for fear of extermination. These children went out wearing labels on their necks indicating their names and birthplaces and country; for example Okafor, native of Biafra. Not Nigeria. We pack­aged them to different countries. They are now adults. Coming home, they find that they need to be engaged with work or business. They are now asked to state their state of origin, local government, etc. If he says he was born in Ohafia, they tell him to go and get a letter signed by his traditional ruler, and local government chairman. If he fails they say where were you all these years? He becomes an alien in his own country. That's why we the elders insist that we need interpretation of the law so that these children will be treated as Biafrans in Nigeria. To get it clear, we had to take the Federal Government to court.

What hope do you have that the court can help in this sensitive issue because there is no precedence?

Precedence are created by people. If we didn't go to court and such a situation occurs again, the people that will seek interpretation will come across the same thing you are asking me that there is no precedence. If we lose, we will seek redress in a higher court.

In this quest for self determination, are you consulting other ethnic groups?

The former president set up a committee to look into ways and means of dousing this agitation for self determination across the country. Recommen­dations were made, but steps were not made to ac­tualize the decisions taken. Obasanjo also set up a similar committee, but they accused him of nurs­ing a third term agenda. Jonathan was accused of trying to go beyond two terms in office for setting up the committee and efforts were made to scuttle whatever was intended from that conference. The new government ought to take up the resolutions of that conference.

You were involved in the last struggle which was violent. If diplomacy fails, and you are asked to fight, will you fight?

( Laughs) It is not only one person that has the monopoly of aggression. If aggression is imposed on my people, of course, I will react accordingly.

Is Nigeria indivisible as some people are wont to say?

No country is indivisible. If a country like Brit­ain with four component parts –English, Welsh, Scottish and the Irish – can split after so many years, then that argument can't stand. The Irish pulled away and fought for self determination for so many years. The Scottish have been using di­plomacy all along and we aware that a few years ago they were almost on the verge of going. The Welsh are just waiting to go, if Scotland goes, they will go.Who packaged Nigeria? Was it done by a Nigerian? This is a legacy of colonialism, and because of that it is a cloak that can be thrown off anytime. When Ghandi was fighting for the in­dependence of India, he chose passive resistance, like what we in IPOB have chosen. After inde­pendence India became divided. Pakistan went its own way. Bangladesh went its own way, and so on. That of Nigeria, it is only a fool- hardy per­son with a colonial mentality, and who wishes to replace the colonial master that will be working under the mantle of an indivisible Nigeria.

But northern elders recently urged the president to crush any resuscitation of Biafra like was done before. Do you have that defeatist psychology?

It is only a fool who did not understand the his­tory of the Nigeria- Biafra civil war, and how it ended that can say such a thing. The fellow you are talking about how old is he? What role did he play during the civil war? Those who partook in the civil war, none of them will go out of their way to use such a language. Even the younger officers like Babangida, and Buhari will not say, we won the war. Where was he at the time.?

So was Biafra defeated?

Of course, not. Biafra was never de­feated. If anybody…

(Cuts in) But you surrendered.

We didn't surrender. If there was a sur­render, there must be a surrender terms of agreement. There must be a paper to that effect. Let them publish the terms of surrender, so that the country will know. It has been so many years since the war ended. Any document that is being kept should now come out of the archives, so that we should be able to know exactly what took place.

Are you still bitter about how the war ended?

If I was bitter, I wouldn't have taken the steps that I took that brought about the end of the war.

What were the steps?

The steps that I took were first being told by the members of our exco to bring the war to an end. I could have said no, that I will not, because to bring a war to an end requires certain amount of know­how and techniques. And if you don't put it right, it will escalate the battle. But if you handle it properly the way we han­dled it, everything dies down. The federal troops picked up their guns, went back to their camps. Our troops picked up their weapons and went home.

That was why there was no exchange of prisoners of war, no exchange of weapons seized. Is that how a war of such magnitude should end? And some people are saying that they won? If they won, there would be prisoners of war.

How optimistic are you that Bi­afra will be realized in your life­time?

No. I wasn't looking for the realization of Biafra or no Biafra. My interest is that the present situation where the youths that were born in Biafra claiming their rights should be listened to and some­thing done to either accommodate them, or allow them to set up their own coun­try. Setting up their own country, to me shouldn't be what they should be asking for at the moment. First, they should ask for the legitimization of their positions within the state called Nigeria, because we didn't fight to get out of Nigeria as we cannot carry the soil away. What we fought for was that nobody crushed us and annihilate us so that there would be no Eastern region





From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com>
Sent: Monday, June 5, 2017 7:44 PM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Surrender message of Biafra warlords
 

Why should Obi Nwakanma invent a history of how the Nigerian civil war ended when Biafra's Major-General Philip Effiong and Chief Secretary to the Biafran Government and Ojukwu, Mr. N.U. Akpan have bequeathed Nigerians and the world with written accounts of the end of the war? The war ended long before Youtube became a fashion and written words of Akpan and Effiong should be rated higher than Nollywood inspired film posted on Youtube by wishful dreamers of history.


In his book titled, The Struggle For Secession 1966 - 1970, Mr. N.U. Akpan conveyed the following military fate of Biafra on January 8, 1970, "The Governor (Ojukwu) had arrived at Owerri on the evening of Thursday, January 8, in a hurried flight from Madonna, forty miles away, his permanent residence since the fall of Umuahia. It had been a confused and panic-ridden day for everybody. The Federal troops had crossed the Imo River at more than two points. And Imo River had always been regarded as the most effective natural barrier against the enemy. Shells were falling in Madonna. Early in the morning of the said January 8, we had been told that the Federal troops were twenty-nine miles from Owerri along the Aba-Owerri road. By noon they were less than fifteen miles away. I phoned the Commanding Officer, Brigadier Kalu, who told me that the situation was now hopeless and advised that any contingency plans made should be put into immediate effect. Later that afternoon Major-General Philip Effiong (Chief of General Staff, Biafran Armed Forces) called to inform me that Major-General Madiebo, the GOC of the Biafran Army, had told him that the army could no longer hold. It being a 'purely military matter' I advised Effiong to go a tell the Governor. ... At Owerri I told him (the Governor) what I knew of the situation, particularly what Effiong and Kalu had told me. He told me to contact members of the Executive Council resident in Owerri to come for a meeting at midnight. ....//... The Governor opened (the meeting) by describing the military situation and then stressed the need for the 'leadership of Biafra' to leave for safety. Nobody had any objection to the Governor's leaving immediately. It was Sir Louis Mbanefo who suggested that it would be bad taste for the Governor to leave without giving some honourable reason to the people. He then suggested a broadcast saying that the Governor was going out in search of peace. ...//... Thus, when I was talking to the few colleagues and others in Nkwere whom I had managed to contact, none of us even suspected that the Federal troops were less than ten miles away from us, having overrun Owerri early the previous day, and were approaching Orlu from two directions. I came face to face with this reality when travelling with Dr. Pius Okigbo, Mathew Mbu and T.C.M. Eneli to see the Governor at Ogwa, and hand to him the draft broadcast he was to make that evening before leaving. We met, less than five miles from Nkwere, streams of panic-stricken Biafran troops both on foot and in vehicles fleeing in disorder in the opposite direction. Pulling into a side bush-path we managed to learn, after considerable difficulty, what had happened. It was with equal difficulty that we managed to turn about and negotiate our way, through the throngs of civilians and soldiers, back towards Nkwere. ....//.... The journey from Uli to Abidjan took five hours or so. We landed at a military airport at exactly six o'clock in the morning of Sunday, January 11, 1970. .... As soon as our plane touched down, Mr. Mojekwu turned to General Ojukwu and said with elation and a broad smile : We have made it (p.165-175)." Thus, with the above narration, Biafra was militarily defeated and its army was in disarray as at January 10, 1970 and its military officers only emerged from their hideouts to be accosted and transported to Lagos for formal surrender.


In his book, Nigeria and Biafra : My Story, Philip Effiong was introduced as A Brigade Commander in Nigeria before the war, as No. 2 in the Biafran Administration and as the person that led the team that surrendered to the Federal Government in 1970 (p. xvi). In his own personal introduction on page one, Philip Effiong wrote, "These coups also brought in their wake a 30-month fratricidal war with former Eastern Region of Nigeria as its main theatre. The War ended when I signed the Surrender Instrument in Lagos on 15 January 1970." Further on page 299, Effiong wrote, ".... it was at this Owerri meeting that Obasanjo asked if I would like to go to Lagos to finalise the surrender agreement and I said, without hesitation, that I would." Again on page 304 Effiong assured readers of what he was in Lagos to do thus, "At 9.00 am on 15 January 1970, being the 4th anniversary of the January 1966 coup, my entourage and I were taken from Ikoyi Hotel to Dodan Barracks for the signing of the final Surrender Instrument." What happened at Dodan Barracks was recorded by Philip Effiong on page 306 thus, "I then shook hands with members of the Supreme Military Council and was shown by an official usher to where I stood to read my formal Surrender Instrument, which is reproduced hereunder for reference and historic purpose." It is noteworthy that Effiong and his entourage stood up during the reading of the Surrender Instrument while Major-General Gowon and members of the Supreme Military Council sat. Finally under 'Chronology of Events', Philip Effiong noted thus, "15 January 1970 : FORMAL SURRENDER OF BIAFRA AND SIGNING OF THE SURRENDER INSTRUMENT. THE HEAD OF STATE, GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON, MADE A BROADCAST AFTER THE SURRENDER."


As for Obasanjo, he recorded the followings in Chapter XI of his 'MY COMMAND' under the title, SURRENDER, "... I formally reported the accomplishment of my mission to the Commander-in-Chief and I presented Philip Effiong, the officer administering the Government of Republic of Biafra and his colleagues to the Head of State.

Philip, who was wearing a brownish gabardine round-necked 'buba' with trousers, marched forward and stood in front of Head of State. He read out in a clear voice, under the strong light of cameras and cine-cameras, THE TEXT OF THE DOCUMENT OF SURENDER AND SUBMISSION. It was one of the finest moments of Nigerian history. The Head of State and Commander-in-Chief, General Yakubu Gowon, made a significant speech to accept formally THE SURRENDER AND DECLARE THE END OF THE CIVIL WAR (p.135)." In not less than six occasions, Philip Effiong stated categorically in his book, Nigeria and Biafra: My story, that he signed surrender instrument in Lagos on January 15, 1970. He has been corroborated by Obasanjo who actually bundled the rebel officers from Port Harcourt to Lagos. Mr. Akpan, the Chief Secretary to the Biafran Government gave very clear account of the defeat of the Biafran army that disbanded in disarray. I don't know what Obi Nwakanma stands to gain by twisting and denying facts of history.

S. Kadiri


 




Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com>
Skickat: den 5 juni 2017 09:43
Till: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Surrender message of Biafra warlords
 

Ibukunola Babajide, you may believe what you like about Biafra and surrender, it doesn't alter the facts that the Biafrans did not surrender, but agreed to a cessation of conflict. But if Biafra really surrendered go get the proof. Ferret out the document or treaty using the words "surrender." The only documents available are in the words Philip Effiong read, crafted and agreed upon by the Biafran leadership, and it is in the public domain. But for YouTube, the internet, and other new means of circulating once "secret" documents, photos, or films, you'd put words in Philip Effiong's mouth that he did not say. Listen again to the statement of the Biafrans, and listen again to the careful choice of the words of the parties - Gowon, Obasanjo, and Effiong himself - and you will, if you have the capability, discern the truth. But I do not think you want the truth. And so, I say again, it is your cup of tea to believe whatever makes you get up from bed in the morning about Biafra. And meanwhile, keep your wit around you, do not grow hoarse yet. You have all the time to talk Biafra and Biafra surrender all you want. It doesn't make a difference or alter the fact that those on the Biafran side of that conflict believe very firmly that the Federal side of that war has reneged on all the basis of the compact of  restoration that re-established the federation in 1970. What you personally believe is therefore immaterial to them.

Obi Nwakanma





From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Ibukunolu A Babajide <ibk2005@gmail.com>
Sent: Monday, June 5, 2017 2:01 AM
To: USAAfricaDialogue
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Surrender message of Biafra warlords
 
Obi Nwakannma,

You think that if you repeat your lie many times, it will alter is as a lie?  Biafra surrendered, signed the instrument of surrender and Emeka Odimegwu Ojukwu like the coward that he is, ran into exile!

Cheers.

IBK



_________________________
Ibukunolu Alao Babajide (IBK)
(+2348061276622)
ibk2005@gmail.com

On 5 June 2017 at 01:45, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:


For the umpteenth time: Biafrans did not "surrender." The Biafran leadership opened the corridor from Port-Harcourt, through Owerri to Amichi for Obasanjo for two nights of negotiation from Jan. 10 to January 12. The Biafran delegation went to Lagos on Jan. 14, and met Gowon and his cabinet at Dodan Barracks on Jan. 15. Part of the language of the agreement was that there would be "no victor, no vanquished." It was a policy crafted by Zik and relayed by Ukpabi Asika as the grounds of the compact for the end of secession. Every careful move was made to obliterate the word "surrender" from any statement made by the parties. Neither Gowon, nor Obasannjo, nor Effiong in his final statement ending the war used the word surrender, and it was deliberate. As one who interviewed Effiong at least twice in Ikot-Ekpene on this question, I have to say that the misuse of the word, "surrender" at various quarters has given left-handed credence to a lot of spurious assertions about the end of that war and the mechanisms that ended it. There was no signed instrument with the word "surrender" and none exists anywhere in Nigeria's official war archives. There is no document of cession, there was no inquisition; there was an agreement to end the conflict, and to reassert the unity of the federation, on one crucial condition: that after Gowon's transitional government everybody, including the former Biafrans would all be part in creating a new constitution and a new civil order for the federation. It was a statement clearly made in Effiong's speech.  Biafra existed until that very moment when Effiong, who by the way addressed himself in his full ranks as Major-General said it had ceased to exist.  It was as part of this compact that Gowon announced his transitional program which was to end in 1974, but which he reneged upon wit a new 1976 date, which also was uncertain. It was reneging that followed a pattern, because it was not long after de-escalation and the demobilization of Biafra's S Brigade, that the Federal government began to dismantle various parts of that agreement. Those who talk about surrender are full of shaving cream. They clearly have been unable to read the minutes of our last meetings.
Obi Nwakanma



From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Segun Ogungbemi <seguno2013@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, June 4, 2017 6:36 PM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Surrender message of Biafra warlords
 


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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

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