Tuesday, November 10, 2026

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Men Dey: The Illusion of Endless Options, by Toyin Falola

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Men Dey: The Illusion of Endless Options

Toyin Falola

It goes without saying that Nigerian society occasionally produces a socially acceptable parlance. As in the past, many of these phrases come from either naturally existing words that are redefined or subtle ideas that gain publicity and then enjoy public patronage. It is impossible to determine how these words came into use; however, we usually know the event that brought them into the limelight.

"Men dey" is the latest phrase to gain traction and carry more meaning than the original speaker intended. It first became popular through Anyidons' song of the same name, which, in its simplest form, means there are men out there with the money and the willingness to pay the bills, buy the gifts, and fund the lifestyle a woman desires. It also carries the idea that if one man will not, another will. The phrase is delivered with a shrug and a laugh, which may be why it spreads. But a phrase with this kind of social acceptance deserves a slower reading to understand and fish out the subtle meanings and humor masked underneath. From a holistic standpoint, this discourse is a serious inquiry into how sociocultural ideas could inform how we think of love, provision, and choice.

It would be dishonest to dismiss the truth of this statement. No one doubts the fact that wealthy and capable men exist, generous enough to fund lifestyles. At the same time, it’s natural to look for something better when things no longer work. This instinct is as old as humans themselves. We do not expect anyone to be bound by any obligation and remain in persistent disrespect or neglect, knowing fully well that there is a door. It is equally balanced to add that knowing there is an alternative restores a sense of worth for people in any difficult situation. This universal logic works well outside the binds of romance. The under-employed graduate can stay inspired to seek more, knowing there are better opportunities out there. Having standards is not vanity, and believing that something better exists is not arrogance.

The whole idea becomes problematic as soon as "men dey" starts answering questions it was never built for. From every angle, this phrase answers only one question: whether men of this caliber exist. It does not speak for any other thing. It does not answer for a fact whether these men are available to you nor whether they are interested in what you offer. It also does not answer how many such men truly exist. For what it is worth, only a few percent who earn that well are single, kind, and ready to commit. This excludes others who fit but fall outside these categories. Take sugar daddies as examples. It is more interesting that everyone searching for that single special person is searching in the same small pool.  It is easier to end up with an empty basket here than anywhere else.

For balance, this habit isn't peculiar to one gender. The phrase may use masculine language, but the central idea has played out both ways. The belief that someone more attractive, more outgoing, or more agreeable is one way to put it. The arithmetic here is identical, because both versions assume the next option will beat the person in front of us simply because it is another option. These assumptions are partly informed by what we see. Social media is full of displays. We see the holiday, the gifting, the grand proposal, but not the efforts that led to it.

In many cases, we miss the compromises, debts, or sacrifices behind them. In an economy where financial pressure and the need for safety are real, a partner's income can easily make us question our choices. Slowly, we let other people's lives become a benchmark, wanting what we think we deserve instead of what works for us.

For a long time, people have always negotiated between the choices available to them and the ones they believe they deserve. Marriage in many societies, including ours, was once shaped largely by family alliance, property, and standing, and the rise of personal choice brought freedom. Today, technology has widened the shelf. Available choices no longer matter. It makes us wonder whether relationships are now pure transactions.

Honestly, the answer is both. It would be unfair to pretend otherwise. Relationships are transactional. A partner gives time, attention, effort, money, and patience and reasonably expects something commensurate in return. Provision is one of the few ways to communicate commitment, and anyone who believes otherwise has never watched a young couple argue about basic needs. In this context, reciprocity is not the problem. The concern here is that lines have been crossed many times, making the exchange the essence of the relationship. We’ve reached a point where people are valued only for what they can offer. Anything less gets them replaced. A bond built on this shaky foundation does not survive the test of time. 

Perhaps a little exercise could help clarify our perspectives on modern relationships. One can start by listing what we require in a relationship and then list beside it what we are willing to give or have given in the relationship. In many cases, it is easier to list what we expect of the other but much harder to list what we give. Contribution is not only income. It can be care, steadiness, honesty, the willingness to build, or sacrifices nobody else sees. Relationships should not be a balance sheet. It requires a lot more than funding. What matters is that both people recognize what the other contributes while holding each other to expectations that fit the stage of life they are actually in. Holding someone at the start of their career to the standard of someone twenty years ahead isn't high standards. It is a mismatch.

A balanced approach need not be complicated. For starters, sort your standards honestly. Communicate clearly on the must-haves, such as character, mutual respect, and safety; understand the difference between genuine needs, such as financial responsibility and open communication; and preferences or good-to-haves. Do not negotiate the first one.  Be open about the second and be willing to reduce expectations on preferences. Money talks should happen early and plainly to avoid disrespect and limit expectations.

Men dey, no doubt. But when it involves another woman's man, a married man especially, men should not dey there at all. A few women lack the decency and sanity of mind to leave married men out of their dating pool. Instead, there are girls as young as twenty years old who specifically and brazenly go after married men. Their reason? These men have the money and resources to sponsor the lifestyle they want. Some go so far as to “lock” these men to squeeze out whatever they want from them.

Meanwhile, the wife who suffered and labored with the man to attain the level of wealth these wild girls are now salivating over is going from one mountain to another, prayer house to prayer house, to pray for her husband and secure her marriage.

Say to the wicked: The day of recompense draws near!

Men dey; what we make of this determines what choices we make in our dealings and expectations from others. We should ensure we are as valuable as what we demand. It is important to think about who you are and what values you bring.

Because if men truly dey, will they choose you?


--
Adebayo Ajadi
Assistant Brand Manager,
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USA Africa Dialogue Series - REVEALED: INEC Created 453 Additional Polling-Unit Only in Warri; MundX Found 453 Additional Polling-unit Listings in INEC’s Public Portal, All in 3 Warri LGAs, Delta State, Plus Other

REVEALED: INEC Created 453 Additional Polling-Unit Only in Warri; MundX Found 453 Additional Polling-unit Listings in INEC’s Public Portal, All in 3 Warri LGAs, Delta State, Plus Other Details

https://thisdawn.com/revealed-inec-created-453-additional-polling-unit-only-in-warri/

KINDLY SHARE 🔁
Follow This Dawn channel:
‪‪https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029Vb72wDP5EjxwI0tat30fb

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - The election is not the government’s to win

The election is not the government’s to win

What America’s 2026 midterms teach Nigeria about institutional independence, the limits of incumbency and the integrity of the 2027 elections.

John Onyeukwu | Policy & Reform Column, Business a.m.| Nov 09 – 15, 2026 | https://businessamlive.com/the-election-is-not-the-governments-to-win/

The outcome of the 2026 United States midterm elections offers Nigeria an important democratic lesson as the country approaches its 2027 general elections. The Associated Press called Democratic victories in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, handing the opposition party control of Congress midway through President Donald Trump’s second term. Although some individual races were still being resolved, the political significance was already unmistakable: a governing party can control the executive, enjoy the advantages of incumbency and enter an election with substantial political and financial resources, yet still lose control of the legislature through the ballot.

This is more than a story about partisan fortunes in Washington. It is a demonstration of a fundamental democratic principle: elections are not instruments for renewing the mandate of the incumbent government by default. They are mechanisms through which citizens retain the power to reward, punish, replace or constrain those who govern them.

For Nigeria, where presidential and National Assembly elections are scheduled for January 16, 2027, the question is not simply whether the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will be ready to conduct the polls. It is whether the institutions, political actors and public accountability mechanisms surrounding the electoral process will allow the votes cast to determine the outcome.

One of the most important features of the American midterm elections is the institutional separation between the presidency and Congress. The President does not administer the election, determine the outcome or exercise authority over the certification of congressional winners. The political party controlling the White House can lose its legislative majority without the constitutional order collapsing.

The electoral administration structure is also different from Nigeria’s. The United States does not operate through a single national electoral commission comparable to INEC. Election administration is highly decentralised: state laws establish the framework, while county and municipal authorities undertake much of the operational work. State officials, local election offices, trained poll workers and other institutions share responsibilities within a system of legal standards, oversight and accountability. The US Election Assistance Commission provides guidance and support but does not run elections.

This arrangement is not without weaknesses. Decentralisation can produce uneven capacity, inconsistent procedures and disputes. Nor should it be romanticised as a model that Nigeria can simply transplant. Nigeria has a different constitutional structure, political history, administrative geography and security environment. Its centralised electoral management framework places a much greater responsibility on INEC.

The relevant lesson, therefore, is not that Nigeria needs fewer institutions or a weaker electoral commission. It is that the credibility of elections depends on the ability of institutions to perform their respective functions without being subordinated to the political interests of those seeking power.

The test of democratic maturity is not whether an incumbent wins or loses. It is whether the rules and institutions make either outcome possible, credible and acceptable.

INEC has an enormous operational responsibility. Its chairman, Professor Joash Amupitan, reported in October that the Commission had completed nine of the 14 key activities on its revised timetable, with the national register of voters exceeding 103 million. The Commission also reported preparations involving 57,000 additional BVAS devices, election logistics, personnel recruitment and training, and the testing of its technology systems. On November 5, it reiterated that preparations were progressing, including work on cybersecurity, electronic result transmission and voter education.

These are important developments. But operational preparedness is not the same as institutional credibility. A commission can procure equipment, train personnel, publish a timetable and deploy materials on schedule without necessarily resolving the deeper political and institutional conditions that undermine electoral confidence.

There is also the question of funding. INEC has appealed for the timely release of outstanding funds required to complete its preparations. This is not a minor administrative concern. An electoral commission cannot be expected to guarantee operational independence and efficiency if its ability to discharge statutory responsibilities is exposed to avoidable funding delays or uncertainty.

More fundamentally, electoral integrity cannot be outsourced to INEC. Political parties must respect the rules. Security agencies must remain politically neutral. The judiciary must provide timely and impartial electoral justice. The media must report responsibly without becoming instruments of partisan manipulation. Civil society and election observers must be able to scrutinise the process, while citizens must be able to participate without intimidation or inducement. An election is only as credible as the institutional ecosystem that supports it.

The absence of a single, dominant national security or electoral authority visibly overseeing every stage of an American election should not be mistaken for the absence of security arrangements. The US system distributes responsibilities among local and state authorities, election administrators and law enforcement agencies.

Nigeria requires its own effective coordination, particularly given the realities of electoral violence, insecurity and the vulnerability of some communities. INEC works with security agencies through the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security. That coordination is necessary. The more important question, however, is how security is exercised and held accountable.

Security deployment should protect voters, electoral officials, observers, candidates and election materials. It should deter violence, prevent disruption and preserve the freedom of citizens to exercise their franchise. It must not become an instrument for intimidating opposition supporters, restricting lawful political activity or influencing the conduct and outcome of elections.

The credibility of an election is not measured by the number of armed personnel deployed around polling units. It is measured by whether citizens can vote freely, officials can perform their duties without interference and the law is enforced impartially against all political actors.

Nigeria has invested significantly in electoral technology, particularly the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and electronic result management. These tools can improve accreditation, reduce opportunities for certain forms of manipulation and strengthen the evidentiary basis for verifying results.

But technology is not a substitute for institutional integrity. BVAS cannot prevent every form of intimidation, vote buying or disruption. Electronic transmission cannot, on its own, guarantee that polling unit results are accurately recorded, uploaded, collated and reflected in the final declaration. Every stage must be transparent, auditable and governed by clear procedures that are consistently applied.

There is another emerging challenge. INEC has raised concerns about AI-generated misinformation, fabricated election results, voice cloning and deepfake videos. At a November 3 electoral information integrity summit, the European Union warned that the fight against digital manipulation must not become a pretext for censorship, suppression of political dissent or restrictions on independent journalism.

This is an important distinction. Electoral information integrity requires rapid verification, credible official communication, independent fact checking and accountability for deliberate manipulation. It also requires protecting citizens’ right to question institutions and journalists’ responsibility to report electoral failures.

The objective should be to strengthen public access to verifiable information, not to give public authorities unchecked power to decide which political opinions may circulate.

Perhaps the most difficult challenge facing Nigeria is not technological or logistical. It is political economy.

Elections take place within a distribution of power, resources and incentives. The value attached to political office, the influence of patronage networks, the monetisation of political competition and the advantages of incumbency all shape how political actors behave. Where access to public resources is closely associated with political power, the incentive to win elections can become stronger than the incentive to respect electoral rules.

This helps explain why electoral manipulation cannot be addressed only through voter education or the deployment of more sophisticated equipment. Vote buying, political intimidation, the capture of party structures, the misuse of public resources and selective enforcement of electoral laws are symptoms of deeper institutional weaknesses.

The question is whether political competition is sufficiently fair for voters to make meaningful choices and for opposition parties to organise, campaign and challenge those in power without facing institutional or coercive disadvantages.

The American midterms demonstrate that electoral competition can produce a change in legislative control even when the incumbent party retains the presidency. Nigeria must build the institutional conditions in which political competition is similarly meaningful, even if its constitutional arrangements and electoral system are different.

With the presidential and National Assembly elections scheduled for January 16, 2027, Nigeria has limited time to move from assurances of preparedness to demonstrable public confidence. INEC's revised timetable also places the governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections on February 6, 2027.

Several tests should now command attention.

Can INEC demonstrate that its technology, logistics, funding and result-management arrangements will work transparently across the country? Can security agencies provide protection without political interference? Can political parties compete on reasonably fair terms and accept lawful outcomes? Can the media and civil society scrutinise the process without intimidation? Can the judiciary resolve electoral disputes promptly and impartially?

These are not merely questions for election day. They concern the entire electoral cycle, from candidate selection and campaign finance to voter access, polling, collation, declaration and post-election justice.

The National Assembly also has a responsibility to ensure that the legal framework supports transparency, institutional independence and enforceable accountability. Electoral laws must not become instruments for protecting political advantage at the expense of democratic competition.

The American midterm experience is not a guarantee that Nigeria will reproduce the same outcome or that the US electoral system is beyond criticism. Its more enduring lesson is that democratic institutions must be strong enough to accommodate political defeat, constrain incumbency and protect the citizen's right to choose.

A government may campaign for re-election. Its supporters may defend its record. Its opponents may challenge its policies and offer alternatives. But no government should confuse the authority to govern with ownership of the electoral process.

The election is not the government's to win. It belongs to the citizens. The institutions established to protect their votes must be sufficiently independent, capable and accountable to ensure that the outcome reflects their freely expressed will.


--
John Onyeukwu
http://www.policy.hu/onyeukwu/
 http://about.me/onyeukwu
“Let us move forward to fight poverty, to establish equity, and assure peace for the next generation.”
-- James D. Wolfensohn
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