What this conversation continues to reveal is the fact that since independence in 1960, Nigerians have never provided themselves with the opportunity to engage in robust dialogue about how they want to be governed. Granted, various discussion groups, including many at the nation's institutions of higher learning, have thrown around terms like "democracy," "grassroots democracy," "African democracy," "neoliberalism," "imperialism," and so on. The fact of the matter, however, is that the various population groups that currently inhabit the Federal Republic of Nigeria (whether defined based on religion, ethnicity, or nationality) have never come together, either at the national or community level, to peaceful engage in conversation about political and economic governance. Perhaps, more important is the fact that since 1960, there has never been any type of broad-based dialogue on coexistence of these groups. Structures for coexistence, as they were during the colonial period, have always been imposed from the top (first, from Lagos, and then, later, from Abuja) with virtually no effective input from the various communities. It is no wonder that some ethnic and religious groups remain extremely frustrated at what they view as political and economic marginalization by a center dominated by their "enemies"--real or imagined.
So, the question is: When will Nigerians finally decide that, for the sake of peace and development, they need to sit down and actually talk to each other about every thing that bothers them--governance, economic growth, human development, peace, resource allocation, environmental degradation, oil, bitumen, etc.?
On Mon, Dec 8, 2014 at 1:26 PM, Moses Ebe Ochonu <meochonu@gmail.com> wrote:
Not holding brief for Samuel Zalanga, but why is it that every time someone suggests that we rethink our failed, destructive, and clearly dysfunctional practice of democracy, we impulsively accuse the person of preferring or advancing military rule? I can understand Abuja politicians and bureaucrats who are invested in the dysfunction making that accusation, but uninvested intellectuals? I may not support Zalanga's call for a strong man, authoritarian rule because as I said in response to Dambisa Moyo's call for a benevolent authoritarian rule, the concept is oxymoronic, and it is a huge gamble to subject the fate of a whole country to the whim and benevolence of a single individual or group of individuals. That proposition, for me, may be worse than Nigeria's disastrous democracy.That said, Africa, not just Nigeria, needs to have an unfettered conversation about liberal democracy, with its expensive rituals of regular elections that mean nothing and offer little or no choice, its expansion of the stealing field as so-called institutions, legislative bodies, and paid political offices proliferate, its sham, elite-focused legislations that legitimize corruption and quid pro quo deals, its failure to produce improvements in the lives of Africans, its tendency to cause or intensify divisions and conflicts, and finally its high financial and human cost of fractious electoral contests. There are several ways to be democratic and there are several types of democracies. We do not have to ape the wasteful, expensive liberal democratic model. We need to craft our own democratic systems that speak to and respond to our peculiar developmental challenges and to the singularities of our societies.A critique of current "democratic" practice in Africa is not necessarily a vote for dictatorship. It is a call for radical, as opposed to cosmetic, reform and revision in our understanding and practice of democracy. Before the white man came, we had our own indigenous forms of democracy that were rooted in the prescriptions of culture and religion, in local logics of governance and citizenship, and in mutual obligations between rulers and the ruled. These systems were legitimate and accountable and thereby fulfilled the key tenets of democracy. They are now moribund, and we do not have to retrieve them, but awareness about them should tell us that we are capable of configuring innovative homegrown or hybrid democratic traditions that solve our governance challenges, do not bankrupt our countries or divide our peoples, and foster legitimacy and accountability.Let the conversation begin towards an Africa-friendly, Africa-sensitive democratic culture. Zalanga has provocatively and perhaps inadvertently broached a very important debate and should not be blackmailed or intimidated into silence with the accusation that he is advocating a return to a military dictatorship.By the way, this is a very crude, highly condensed version of an argument I make in one of the chapters of my book, Africa in Fragments.--On Mon, Dec 8, 2014 at 7:52 AM, Seun Odeyemi <blacng@gmail.com> wrote:Hello Dr Zalanga,
It's been awhile. I hope you are well? I have been following with great interest your critique of Nigeria's failed democratic experiment. The metaphor that keeps coming to mind, given the stark reality of political elite immoral sense of entitlement (nigeria's ignoble reputation as the country with the biggest total compensation for legislators being one example) is that of horizontal governance. A system that rewards, not those who enter public service not in order to take responsibility for the critical work of national development (a platform for important socioeconomic transformation solely needed in Nigeria), but rewards a blatant ambition for power. The power, as Negri would put it, which creates structures of "legitimate" accumulation at the expense of the bodies, humanity, aspirations, dreams, hopes of the more than 150m Nigerians who are essentially disenfranchised.
I shared your critique with some of my friends in order to stimulate conversation on the terrible direction Nigeria as headed since the inception of democractic governance. I have not been to Nigeria in 7years, but I try to stay abreast of the issues which bring into poignancy the dysfunctionalities of the Nigerian state -- some of which were effectively teased out in Arch Bishop Kukah's essay on the "fractures" which continue to hamper Nigeria's political transformation.
I just wanted to reconnect with you after a long time. Hopefully, we will be able to meet someday when you are flying through Atlanta.
Lastly, reading through some of the applications for the Mandela Washington Fellowship for Young African Leaders (from Nigeria) has rekindled my hope that there is still a future for Nigeria.
Regards,
Seun.On Dec 8, 2014 6:39 AM, "ZALANGA SAMUEL" <szalanga7994@msn.com> wrote:----Sure, Nigeria needs democracy or whatever. But after how many years of democratic rule, statistically speaking, for many ordinary Nigerians in the part of Nigeria that I come from, it is better to be a cow in Europe than to be a kind of human being there. I explained what this assertion meant at the University of Jos in a public presentation and the people agreed with me. It was not said out of disrespect, but it was said to clearly demonstrate the misery of many of our people.I grew up poor and my people are still the "wretched of the earth" and so it is not possible for me to go to Nigeria and not interact with such people. Such an encounter is profound education and reminder. A cow in Europe is more secure than many ordinary Nigerians because of EU subsidy (not less than $2:50 per day) and because of the products with market or economic value that cow produces,, which makes it more economically relevant.I have heard a lot of rhetorical arguments in favor of democracy but I am interested in results that transform the human development of ordinary Nigerians. We are wasting too much time. As Martin Luther King Jr. said in his Letter from Birmingham Jail, some scholars and elites have a tragic conception of time, because they will tell these poor people in Bauchi and other parts of Nigeria to wait, by and by, pie in the sky. I came from those poor people who are treated like sandals by the rich and powerful and I truly feel based on empirical evidence the price these people are paying for democracy is too much.China is not a perfect country but with its authoritarianism, it has pulled many people out of poverty in a manner that is far better and faster than Nigeria. Singapore has an authoritarian government. But many Nigerians would not mind staying there because it will provide them better opportunities. Nigeria has liberal democracy but 25% of her annual budget is on the national assembly. I cannot defend this kind of liberal democracy when many of our people cannot make $2 per day, they have no healthy drinking water, no good education or health care and we are not investing much to develop their human capital -- empowering them. Our elites want them to be permanent beggars so that they can control them, all in the name of democracy.Liberal democracy is not built on some kind of mysticism but rational system of governance rooted in a rational individual and so we must evaluate it in those terms. It is working for a few, but not the majority. IN one data I came across 85% of Nigeria's oil money goes to 1% of the country's population.If democracy was serving the people of Nigeria well, I would have no problem with it. but I am willing to debate anyone based on evidence on how decades of democracy has NOT helped the ordinary peasant in rural Bauchi State where I come from. And this is true in many parts of Nigeria, especially, the North. The peasants are not Cultural Dopes. They know their pains. It is difficult for me to argue without looking at the empirical evidence. I am really very sorry in this respect. I do not mean any disrespect. Show me the results in terms of the transformation of the lives of the least advantaged people to use John Rawls principle in his theory of justice as fairness.And moreover even if Nigeria wants democracy we know full well that there are certain prerequisites for democracy to function in the liberal sense of it. You do not just come and copy the presidential system of government of another country whose democracy developed in certain concrete historical and cultural contexts different from yours and just impose it on your people.What sincere effort have the Nigerian elites made to put in place concrete conditions that will help the effective functioning of democratic institutions? Little or nothing. They just use the democratic freedom to make our people become more bigoted along religious and ethnic lines, instead of encouraging people to work together to solve common problems. How long will it take Nigeria to change at this pace and kind of liberal democracy? Will the whole world wait for Nigeria? The train is leaving. Again as Martin Luther King Jr. said in his said letter, I will ordinary Nigerians are yearning for justice with a sense of "cosmic urgency." On Thanksgiving day, my thanksgiving was not simply celebrating what I have, but praying for others who do not have. I am not more human than them, and so I pondered why I got what I have and they do not, and concluded that if I was to think on behalf of humanity, I have little to rejoice about the system of injustice, even though I may think I am doing "well."My lamentation.Samuel
Date: Sun, 7 Dec 2014 09:42:42 -0800
From: corneliushamelberg@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: SALARY COMPARISON OF LEGISLATORS ACROSS SEVERAL COUNTRIES"It's coming from the women and the men.
O baby, we'll be making love again.
We'll be going down so deep
the river's going to weep,
and the mountain's going to shout Amen!"(Democracy, once upon a time, according to Leonard Cohen)
"I am not against democracy per se, but..." (Dr. Samuel Zalanga)
"Nigeria would do better under an authoritarian system that has more determination, commitment, vision and discipline to create conditions and environment that will enable all people to pursue their legitimate aspirations." (Dr. Samuel Zalanga)
A Confucian discipline or the protestant ethic as part of a people's culture, or as a national ethos is only to the good, but we're talking about Nigeria, not even North Korea.
The second statement must be broken down into its two components, (1) an authoritarian system per se, and (2) an authoritarian system that Dr. Zalanga wants to qualify - ideally – as a benign, unelected military dictatorship of the type that up to this late date, Nigeria has never known, for the simple reason that from the word go, any such "authoritarian system" is bound to be bedevilled by problems of its own making, such as that you cannot take away from the enfranchised Nigerian people, certain of their civil liberties and the rule of law, e.g. the freedom of the press and the right to say that the president is an idiot (and to be prosecuted for defamation by Doyin Okupe) , without very strong resistance to such measures.
In that West Africa interview conducted by Sister Stella, Emeka Ojukwu told us that the military always takes over for one reason only:" for profit"
On a pragmatic level the cost of running an administration under a military dictatorship is considerably reduced with the curtailment of senators' salaries etc, but what are the other advantages of a still unproven, long term "authoritarian system "for Nigeria?
Even if a Jesus type (love your enemies, do good to those that hate you, turn the other cheek) were to be head of such an authoritarian system, there could be other problems...
RE – The "tiger mom" – I asked a Chechen mother how come Chechen men are so brave and she told me that it's because they were never bullied or given corporal punishment by their parents when they were children.This discussion must continue...In Sweden I'm mulling over our minister of finance and her prime minister now telling us that Sweden's third largest party in the Swedish Parliament, the Sweden Democrats are "a neo-fascist party", and telling us this, only after the Sweden Democrats torpedoed their budget. That's part of democracy. for you. I don't agree with our prime minister and his minister of finance about this labelling. Moreover, the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats are likely to win even more sympathy and more seats in the March 22nd Elections perhaps precisely because of this new labelling...
On Sunday, 7 December 2014 09:43:26 UTC+1, szalanga7994 wrote:Nigeria's Second National Development Plan had the following as objectives of National Development, i.e., creating or achieving:a) a united, strong and self-reliant nation.b) a great and dynamic economy.c) a just and egalitarian society.d) a land of bright and full opportunities for all citizens.e) a free and democratic society.I surely commend the older generation of Nigerians who thought all Nigerians deserve such a nation. But where did that generation go? When did they change their mind, or was this all a gimmick in the first place. Let the reader check the salary comparisons of legislators across several countries of the world and see how Nigeria is a serious embarrassment. Here is the link for the salary comparison:One important lesson from this is that those who think that democracy is necessary for development need to think twice. It is a very simplistic claim. Japan laid the foundation for modern development after the Meiji Restoration, which was authoritarian. Singapore is authoritarian; South Korea and Taiwan laid the foundation of their countries under authoritarian regimes just like the United States after the Civil War. Ony authoritarian governments would operate the kind of Jim Crow system that existed in many parts of the U.S. especially the South. It is not true that to for a country to be successful capitalistically it needs to be a liberal democracy. Of course we know that the issue is not just democracy or authoritarianism per se. There is not short cut around good governance and effective institutions, and the issue here is that sometimes and under certain conditions, authoritarian regimes may govern better and create more effective institutions that set a better context for economic development. But as it is, democracy is not a panacea, I am sorry to say.Most of all, China has made great progress in reducing or getting people out of poverty even though it is not a liberal democracy in the way that people want to think of that term. China has guided liberalized economy while the political system is authoritarian i.e., the Beijing Consensus. As Professor Niall Ferguson said, when he visited the country after the 2008 Great Recession, many Chinese people say in relation to the WEstern claim of the monopoly of all wisdom to bring about prosperity, "physician, heal thyself." The very things that made the Western capitalist system a model plunged the world into an economic catastrophe and after the 2008 Great Recession, economic power started tilting to Asia. Ferguson would later express his frustration with the West in his book on The Greatest Degeneration. Nigeria too is an example of such degeneration given how relatively more effective the institutions function when I was a boy.Democracy as it is, is terrible for Nigeria. Nigeria would do better under an authoritarian system that has more determination, commitment, vision and discipline to create conditions and environment that will enable all people to pursue their legitimate aspirations. If democracy means this kind of expenses as in the table of comparison with no accountability and effective solutions to the national problems of the country, then democracy is too expensive for Nigeria and maybe many other African countries as well. I do not care whether the proponent of such a democracy is ALexis de Tocqueville, Locke, or Lincoln. Thomas Hobbes is more relevant for Nigeria in terms of empirical reality. There are certain conditions for civilization or economic prosperity. Currently they do not exist for everyone in Nigeria or even the great majority.I am not against democracy per se, but I want to see results and the data in this comparison suggest that for the ordinary Nigerian, democracy is just another added burden without any dividend or payoff. It is time not to make case for democracy just in theory but to show through empirical results.This reminds me of Amy Chua's Battle Cry for the Tiger Mom. It turns out that authoritarian mothers who have clear vision and mission are more likely to help their children to succeed even when on the surface it may appear that the mothers are mean. Laissez Faire mothers may appear humane on the surface, but end up producing lousy results. Nigeria, if she was a mother, is a very LAISSEZ FAIRE MOM. And she is seeing the results of her mothering strategy -- WOEFUL FAILURE. She helps in producing many children that have no moral conscience when it comes to how they treat their fellow brothers and sisters. As for the father or fathers of the nation, we do not know even where they are. If the fathers exists and were serious, they will mobilize some of the committed children to support the Tiger Moms and embark on a campaign to salvage the nation. On the contrary when you try to make a case for Nigeria, if you mention one thing you want to do to make a difference, you are told ten reasons why it is a waste of time. That is why sometimes I just start my conversation about Nigeria by saying Nigeria is at the end of history, i.e., there is nothing new under the sun that would emerge except the escalation of what we see today. Maybe that would provoke some Nigerians to have some hope, as they would be force to disagree with the pessimism.Samuel
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--There is enough in the world for everyone's need but not for everyone's greed.
---Mohandas Gandhi
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JOHN MUKUM MBAKU, ESQ.
J.D. (Law), Ph.D. (Economics)
Graduate Certificate in Environmental and Natural Resources Law
Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
Attorney & Counselor at Law (Licensed in Utah)
Brady Presidential Distinguished Professor of Economics & Willard L. Eccles Professor of Economics and John S. Hinckley Fellow
Department of Economics
Weber State University
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(801) 626-7442 Phone
(801) 626-7423 Fax
J.D. (Law), Ph.D. (Economics)
Graduate Certificate in Environmental and Natural Resources Law
Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
Attorney & Counselor at Law (Licensed in Utah)
Brady Presidential Distinguished Professor of Economics & Willard L. Eccles Professor of Economics and John S. Hinckley Fellow
Department of Economics
Weber State University
1337 Edvalson Street, Dept. 3807
Ogden, UT 84408-3807, USA
(801) 626-7442 Phone
(801) 626-7423 Fax
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