With regard to the analogy of the people in the room who are likely going to die because of snake bite, I understand the concern.
The questions being raised are not an attempt to ignore the legitimacy of the concerns that people in Igbo land or any where in the world for that matter have. But because ultimately, the solution is in understanding the long term process. Hannah Arendt developed the concept of "banality of evil" at a time when people focused on the spectacular nature of the holocaust. It is not that she did not see the holocaust as something terrible. Rather, she concluded after the studying the situation following her attendance of Nazi agent's trial in Jerusalem that the holocaust was committed by normal day people functioning normally, which is just a restating of one of the key findings of the Nuremberg Trials. The question then is what is the process that led to this catastrophe?. This same question is relevant for Nigeria and many African countries as well.
While reading the message, I also remember this interesting exegesis of the "Good Samaritan" parable / story in the Bible that was made by an African Minister in a documentary film that I reviewed long ago but I kept thinking about it. For those who are not familiar with the Good Samaritan story, it is about a man who is a good Samaritan traveling from Jericho to Jerusalem for a business trip. But when he saw someone mugged and left by the side of the road by armed robbers, he abandoned his trip plan to make hospital arrangements to help the mugged person get healed.
Generally, most people think the only moral teaching in the story is for us to have many Good Samaritans in the world!. But the exegesis made by the African American minister said, in principle we are not opposed to having Good Samaritans who will help people after they are mugged. However, the fundamental issue here is the need to understand what made the road between Jericho and Jerusalem to be so unsafe that innocent people are mugged in the first place?
What we need to do is to find out the causes of such armed robbery and take care of it, so that in the future, people can travel safely from Jericho to Jerusalem (metaphorically speaking), and maybe if that happens, the Good Samaritans can channel their scarce and valued energy elsewhere to do their good work.
The lesson in this exegesis is that the problem started with a mugged person and the Good Samaritan (people, one suffering and one willing to help solve the problem), but the lasting solution to it while starting from the people, transcended the people to look at the systemic source of the problem that leads to people to be mugged. We should not ignore the cause (long and short term) and just be improving hospitals or teaching more people to be Good Samaritans, while ignoring the root cause of the problem in both their short and long term manifestation.
My point, and I repeat again, many of the problems that Ndi' Igbo will identify as their problems with the Federal Republic of Nigeria are not just problems caused by other people who are not Igbo in Nigeria, assuming because of blood ancestry, that Igbo land is totally free from such problems. This will not be sociologically accurate. We have to look out and within as part of our explanatory methodology.
No part of Nigeria is clinically free from such problems. The problem of the strong taking advantage of the weak, is a problem all over Nigeria caused by Nigerians living in their communities, whether they are Kanuri, Hausa, Fulani, Yoruba, Bini, Tiv or whatever group. Some of the governors that wasted the resources of their states are persons who are indigenous to those states and they had people who supported them within the state. They just got power-drunk, combined with excessive greed. This is all over the country. It happens in all ethnic groups, all regions and all religious groups. If anyone is honest about the country, he or she cannot deny that.
The communities that experienced this problem less often are communities that have developed internal mechanisms within themselves to help them do things differently. State governors received lots of money from the federation account under President Jonathan. At one point, Iwela-Okonjo said the amount of monies received by some states is close to a sizable percentage of the budget of some African countries. But what did they do with it? If anyone cares to do a careful study of this problem state by state, he or she will conclude that the problems of Nigeria are both at the federal and local levels.
A member of my family went to Bauchi for instance during Christmas time with an expired Nigerian passport and requested for a new one. The person was told to go and bring a letter proving that he is an indigene of the state. This is a problem of people that have been granted power to serve the public but are irresponsible with it. I honestly see this problem of irresponsibility all over Nigeria. States that have strong and effective civil society groups do better in holding state officials accountable. Other just say "God Dey" or God exists and will judge them.
When I did my doctoral field work, I visited two oil palm plantations in Nigeria: One in Edo State and the other in Rivers, i.e. Risson palm. I was interested in the role of ruling elites in transforming their societies through agricultural development policies, which Southeast Asian countries have been more successful in this respect than African countries. Agricultural policy was a site for me to explore the question of state capacity and role of elites in development. From Edo and Rivers, I drove to Sokoto to visit a friend who is also a sociologist. It was then I became impressed that Nigerians will condemn each other but injustice is practiced in all regions, all states, and ethnic groups: The strong take advantage of the weak. This is one thing I concluded. I learned this from the people. They will tell you. And the people taking advantage of others are not coming from another planet. The social disease is like a kind of virus. But it is easier for Northern elites, for instance, to deflect attention from their failures by projecting all the problems of the region to someone else just as other regions do without applying as much rigorous analysis to internal processes. If the germs of injustice, greed, entitlement and avarice (some of original deadly sins) are not taken care of, it does not matter in my view, even if every family in Nigeria or Igbo land gets its own country, there will still be problem of neglect and exploitation. The literature on patriarchy shows many injustices even within the family,-- this is as small as it can get.
Along the same line I will argue that, no one will deny that the international global capitalist system is structured in such a way that it puts Third World countries at a great disadvantage. But in my assessment, if this is all that our universities in Africa will preach against, it will not take anywhere. We have to seriously look internally also, and examine how our societies do things differently. Asian countries did not just sit down criticizing the West. They recognized the lopsidedness of the international system but chose to compete with the West and beat them in their own game. With different kinds of institutions and commitment, we can transform many things in Africa, which will then put us even in a better position to confront the international system.
We can decide to break away from the international system because it is unjust to us, but if we do not address the fundamental issues in our systems, that will not be a solution. I do not deny the fact that there are problems in Igbo land and indeed many parts of Africa. Indeed, I will stand side by side with Igbo people who are oppressed against others whether in Igbo land or Nigeria who oppress them. But this line of reasoning is subversive because it diminishes the significance of blood ancestry and makes a broader case for struggle along the lines of shared humanity or common purpose. Some Igbo elites as in other parts of the Nigerian federation and Africa have been part of the problem of the strong taking advantage of the weak. A thorough and honest class analysis will show that there are many persons from Igbo land who benefited from the same Nigerian system that is corrupt, but they ignored other ordinary Igbos, which is exactly what is happening in other parts of Nigeria. Class analysis will show that the best struggle we need is that of the oppressed against the oppressors, wherever they come from. This is as simple as it is. If you do not have money to feed yourself or get medicine, it does not matter what is your blood ancestry.
So in conclusion, I do not deny the significance of the problem the people in the room face with regard to snake bites, but using the version of exegesis of the Good Samaritan story, I will ask, what in the first place allowed such a situation where so many people are gathered in a room and they are likely going to die because of snake bite. Should they not focus on addressing the causes of congestion and disease in their society than just be focusing on who is going to die. In any case, the way the situation is characterized can easily lead to the "tragedy of the commons." I say so because if they do not reach a common understanding, everyone will rush to protect himself or herself and in the process many will die because of the strategy they have adopted. There are times when fire starts and people are supposed to exit a place but instead of cooperating to get out all quickly, everyone tries to go first and in the process few escape.
It is just like the climate issue that was discussed in France. Should countries go about it alone in pursuit of their national interest, or should they cooperate because the problem ultimately transcends nations? The people should be the starting point of our analysis, but not the end of the analysis. Unless if the people suffering are having a veil of ignorance as Rawls fictitiously started his theory of justice with, I would ask: what are the processes that led to the congestion and the problem of snake bite in the first place. Is it like in some parts of the Appalachian region where people go and hunt snakes in order to worship with them in churches? And of course they end up being killed by the snakes but because of their faith, they think it is alright.
Without addressing the fundamental questions of justice, morality and ethics in how people relate to each other and how institutions function, not much will be accomplished. We have seen this in Southern Sudan where, yes, they had legitimate grievances, but because they focused just on the grievances, and did not deal with the problem of elites who are greedy and hungry for power, they plunged the lives of many ordinary people in danger. What this means is that they took the easy way out by initially seeing evil as something that can only exist among Arabs, but not Black Africans. Well, now they have a good history lesson there.
In my view, it is not only Igbo land but every human society in this world that assumes it can proceed without making the social justice question central to how institutions function, without making the suffering of others a moral and ethical question rooted in human dignity, such societies will encounter serious threat to their survival or cohesion. Even the United States in her current trend cannot claim being exceptional to this challenge. Three is a limit to how much widening inequality a society can handle and still remain normal. And widening inequality is a problem not just in he U.S., but also, a problem in Igbo land, Nigeria and Africa. Even hitherto egalitarian European countries are now becoming more unequal.
But if we focus on the problem of inequality and injustice by one group towards others, many of the elites will not like to hear that because that will expose their hypocrisy. They have always used ethnic and religious sentiments to mystify the real problems of humanity. They may come from the same religion or ethnic group with us, but they are in terms of the substance of life more similar to the rich in other parts of the world than they are with the ordinary citizens in their communities. I am confident to say that re-framing the issue this way will be relevant in discussing the Igbo land situation, because there are people in the region who have gained at the expense of many ordinary citizens in the same region, and all of them are Igbos, which is similar to what is happening in other parts of Nigeria. This is why it is a justice question in my assessment than a simple question of blood ancestry. To ignore this and just focus on blood ancestry, given the data we have about inequality and injustice in different regions of Nigeria is to not be totally frank about the situation.
If, however, Biafra will be achieved but on the principles of justice, equality and morality and ethics in how humans treat fellow humans, such an accomplishment will not just be for Ndi' Igbo but to the whole of the human race. Would that not be something great to celebrate? Many can identify with such a struggle even if they are not of Igbo ancestry. But I can say with confidence that anyone consumed with the justice question in the situation, will see beyond the blood ancestry requirement, even when the person recognize that there are many Nigerians, including Igbos, that have been left behind and the causes for that are not just external but equally important are the internal factors.
Samuel
On Sun, Jan 3, 2016 at 8:33 AM, Okechukwu Ukaga <ukaga001@umn.edu> wrote:
Using the snake analogy, I suspect you will agree that we have at least 3 options: One, alll affected can stay in the room and do nothing till they are eventually killed by the problem. Two, those who want to avoid being killed by snakes by leaving the room should be allowed to do so. Three, all affected can work hard together to eliminate the snakes and stay safely together. The second option assumes (falsely) that there are no snakes where folks wanna run to. My earlier post was an attempt to call attention to that false assumption. We do not want to jump from the frying pan into the fire. It seems to me that best option is for all affected to work together and find lasting solutions to their problems.
OUOn Jan 2, 2016 3:11 PM, "'ugwuanyi Lawrence' via USA Africa Dialogue Series" <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:--
This is a worthy effort to intellectualise the Nigerian enigma but my worry is that it is fraught with a wrong argument or what I might call "the Self-recolonization fallacy of Nigerianism".I abstract from the piece to frame it this way: "the problem of Nigeria may be affecting more people than you therefore don't pull out of Nigeria even if the opportunity allows or permits".
Well the simple interpretation of this logic is that if four hundred people are locked in a room and a snake is biting all of them they should endure the poison and stay in the room because four hundred of them are equal victims of the snake bite.
Then the big question: Assuming all of them die of the snake bite, would this proposal have solved the problem? And even if they don't die immediately of the snake bite-Who then can even kill the snake if there is no alternative such as leaving the room?
Would it not be wiser to deepen the search for the solution all the more by encouraging anyone who has what it takes to kill the snake to do so even if it means leaving the room?
Lawrence Ogbo Ugwuanyi,Ph.D
Associate Professor of Philosophy
Department of Philosophy and Religions
University of Abuja
Abuja
>
> On Saturday, 2
> January 2016, 1:36, Samuel Zalanga
> <szalanga@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>
> Dear Chidi,
> Please do you know whether this
> meeting has been recorded as was suggested in the message
> you sent out? Political Sociology is one of my areas of
> great interest. For a lot of reasons, I am very interested
> in this subject.
> I
> am very curious about how the discussion proceeded. I
> forwarded your message to all my Igbo friends who I have
> very sincere and honest conversations about the challenges
> of Nigeria.
> My own
> reasoning using the tradition of immanent critique or
> subversive orthodoxy is that I can concede that the
> Igbo people have many challenges in Nigeria. But based on
> insights form historical comparative methods of research, I
> quickly arrived at the suspicion that if ten good grievances
> can be listed of Ndi' Igbo people against the Nigerian
> federation, research methods will highlight something very
> insightful things that in my view will complicate the
> discussion:
> 1.The
> Grievances Would not be Applicable Only to Igbo Land:
> If one travels around Nigeria trying to examine whether
> the grievances and challenges identified apply only to Igbo
> land, he or she will conclude that this is not the case.
> Indeed, there are some areas of Nigeria, that are even more
> marginalized than Igbo land.
> When I did my NYSC in Aboh Mbaise, I
> felt I was in a foreign country because of the differences
> in level of development there compared to Bauchi State. I
> learned a lot about regional variation in the country. The
> number of students enrolled then in secondary school in Aboh
> Mbaise Local Government Area alone then was higher than
> those enrolled in secondary school in the whole of Bauchi
> State.
> All this is
> not to say that this is a reason not to highlight the
> challenges or grievances of Igbo people. The issue is
> as Adam Przeworkski
> and Henry Teune said in their book:. "The Logic
> of Comparative Social
> Inquiry," when you gather
> data and conclude that a problem is not only existing in one
> place but several or numerous other places at the same time,
> then the cause is a problem much larger and not an issue
> just specific to a place even though context matters. It may
> be a systemic issue.
> 2. No Grievances or Challenges
> will Apply to All Igbo People or Igbo Land in a Flat
> Manner: The same grievances and challenges if
> examined very carefully will show that they manifest to
> different degree among different states, local governments
> and social classes or clans in Igbo land. This will equally
> apply in other regions of Nigeria even if the people come
> from the same ethnic group. You will find the same thing in
> Sokoto and Geidam. This means generalizing the grievances
> easily as though there has not been internal variation in
> the region since the past several decades will be somewhat
> unrealistic. There are parts of Igbo land that are more
> developed and better governed than others and it will be
> good to explain this. This is true with all the other
> regions regions in Nigeria. Recently I read somewhere that
> the governor of Gombe has been recognized for his work to
> the state. Gombe state came out of Buachi but in my view it
> is far more developed than Bauchi even though all are in the
> North and in the former Northeastern region or state. This
> means the problem can be explained by both internal and
> external factors.
> 3. Regret About the Past: I
> did not witness the civil war but the only time I saw a
> graphic representation of it was when I watched the whole
> series of late Professor Ali Mazrui. It was shocking to me
> that Nigeria went through that and we do not seem to have
> learned a lot from that. The meeting of reconciliation
> between then General Gowon and representatives of the Igbo
> command was touching. You sense from his body language that
> these were his colleagues and circumstances made them to be
> enemies and now they can reconcile. Just as was the case
> with some European forces during the first World War if I
> remember in a documentary where opposite sides celebrated
> Christmas and then you wonder why they were fighting. I feel
> terribly bad that Nigeria as a country has not learned much
> from the past or so it seems.
> 4. Is Rooting Social Struggle in
> Blood Ancestry the Only Viable Option in the 21st
> Century?: The reason why I am interested in all this is
> that I truly believe that the concerns that Igbo people have
> can be translated into moral and ethical concerns that
> should be of interest to millions of people who are not Igbo
> by blood ancestry. Making a movement strictly based on
> ancestry in our world today can be scary to many people
> because people know that it can be a source of instability
> in many societies. Beyond that, in spite of Carol
> Gilligan's critique of Lawrence Kohlberg theory of moral
> development, I think it is fair to say that as one grows in
> reflection, he or she becomes concern with an issue not just
> because it affects him or her, or his or her people. I can
> imagine that the descendants of Mayflower in the U.S. can
> decide to have such a meeting or the descendants of the
> American Pioneers in Appalachia can do that. That would make
> many others scared especially when the substance of their
> concern can be accommodated within universalistic language
> and ideals that one does not have to be part of their
> ancestry to sympathize or join the struggle. Ultimately, the
> world will be a better place if people are committed to such
> moral and ethical struggles even when the issues is not just
> about them, or they will join struggles with others in spite
> of differences to fight for a better world.
> One of my greatest regrets in
> Nigeria is that whether it is with the Niger Delta struggle
> or Boko Haram, they never frame their agenda and pursue
> strategies that are rooted in some universal moral and
> ethical ideals that people can join even if they are not
> from the place. The struggle of Black Lives Matter can only
> succeed if it is framed in such a way that even though the
> problem is with Black people, the substance of the situation
> is a moral and ethical concern that affects human dignity in
> general and so all of us should care. This is what made
> Martin Luther King Jr and the Civil Rights movement succeed.
> I ordered a cd of the Letter from Birmingham Jail and
> listened to it for a month in my car in order to deeply
> appreciate and digest the manner in which Martin Luther King
> Jr. framed the struggle. It is hard even if you are a
> privileged White person to understand the history of western
> civilization very well and ignore him. Not surprisingly,
> when many Whites understood the depth and incisiveness of
> the position of the Civil Rights fighters, they joined the
> struggle and that increased the legitimacy of the
> struggle.
> 5.
> Other Examples from History that Support the Case for Moral
> and Ethical Framing of Social Struggles:
> a) Similarly, if you watch
> the documentary called "A Place Called
> Chiapas":
> (http://www.amazon.com/Place-Called-Chiapas-Samuel-Garc%C3%ADa/dp/B00082ZR6M)
> you will be impressed by the way
> Commandante Marcos framed the Zapatista struggle. He framed
> it in terms of how neoliberal globalization renders many
> people as surplus people. He is not against
> globalization wholesale, but against the way it operates to
> make some people irrelevant. In this respect, his position
> can be supported by Professor Stitlitz's critique of
> neoliberal globalization in terms of its disregard for
> certain groups of people. After a careful analysis of what
> neoliberal globalization is, Marcos concluded that anyone in
> the world who faces the kind of marginalization they faced
> by the indigenous people in Chiapas because of globalization
> is also a Zapatista and should join them in the struggle.
> The New York Times calls the struggle the first postmodern
> revolution. Their manifesto was online and the government
> found it difficult to shut them up. And the coherence of
> their argument, its deep moral and ethical foundation in a
> situation where people treat the market as amoral became
> attractive to journalists from different parts of the world
> who flew to Chiapas to record what was happening. Why?
> Because when you hear what Commandante Marcos said and the
> manifesto of his people, if you are informed about
> globalization, you cannot treat them as persons very
> absorbed in themselves or being provincial in thinking. They
> demonstrate an awareness that the problems they faced are
> also being faced in other parts of the world and the
> struggle is rooted in a broader and deeper moral and ethical
> question.
> Interestingly, Commandante Marcos is
> not an indigenous person. He was a Professor of Philosophy
> and Communications if I remember very well and was trained
> in Italy. He resigned his university teaching position to go
> and live among the indigenous people, and he won their
> trust. Consequently they made him their leader and
> spokesperson even though he was not a
> native.
> b)
> Another example I can give is form the series called:
> "Have You Heard From
> Johannesburg?": (http://www.clarityfilms.org/haveyouheardfromjohannesburg/episodes.php).
>
> It is a seven-part
> series discussing apartheid and its collapse. There is an
> episode titled: "From Selma to Soweto."
> This is an excellent example of the contribution of African
> Americans to the anti-apartheid struggle. But the
> congressional Black Caucus did not frame the issue in
> strictly racial terms. They frame it as a moral and ethical
> issue that challenges what the U.S. or the "civilized
> world" claimed to be. It is harder to fight those kinds
> of framing when there is empirical evidence supporting the
> claim. One South African in the documentary said that, their
> campaign of persuading U.S. state legislators to divest from
> investing in South Africa or divest form corporations that
> do business there, was only successful in states where a
> Black and a White legislator sponsored the legislation and
> often bi-partisan. Why? Because the issue was framed as a
> moral and ethical issue that transcends race, ethnicity,
> nation etc. They were able to mobilize support to override
> the veto of President Ronald Reagan who opposed the law that
> declared economic sanctions against South Africa. Many
> republicans voted against Ronald Reagan's
> position.
> c) I
> also at one point reviewed a documentary on Hubert
> Humphrey of Minnesota. He was charged with getting the
> voting rights act passed in U.S. congress (http://www.shoppbs.org/product/index.jsp?productId=4403196).
> Initially he adopted a very legalistic approach in making
> the case by focusing on U.S. laws and the constitution. But
> some ministers visited him in Washington and told him that
> he should broaden his framing of the issue from just legal
> to a moral and ethical question. And it worked because it
> became more difficult to easily ignore the moral and ethical
> questions especially when the opponents claimed to be moral
> and ethical people. This is not to say that morality and
> ethics cannot be debated but the common person generally has
> a fair understanding of what is right else society will not
> work as we see it. Are we lacking moral and ethical
> foundation in Nigeria to frame our struggles in similar
> manner? We can learn from the history of social struggles
> all over the world.
> Conclusion: If the challenges
> and grievances that the Igbo people will identify can
> equally be found in other parts of Nigeria and in some cases
> in even worse situations; and if there is such injustice
> against some people in Igbo land committed by the powerful
> against the powerless, why not make the movement a moral and
> ethical struggle against exclusion, injustice and oppression
> of the weak by the strong instead of lumping everyone
> together? We need such a movement in Nigeria and indeed,
> the African continent, and I care less about where it
> starts, and my hope is that such a movement if it starts
> anywhere in Africa can go beyond that particular
> country.
> I have
> painfully arrived at the conclusion that sometimes it is
> often easier to try to by-pass the fundamental questions of
> social justice, moral and ethical concerns that need to
> penetrate or infuse our social reality in a rush to arrive
> at the New Jerusalem or Dar es Salaam very quickly. Are
> there short cuts in such struggles? Many of the postcolonial
> African sates became predatory because many people who
> participated in independent struggles were more concerned
> about their exclusion from the privileges that the colonial
> officials enjoyed instead of the fundamental questions of
> social justice for all. But often such situations end up
> in disappointments because as St. Augustine said, while
> quoting Cicero, without Justice, we are all a gang of
> robbers. Just imagine if Kanu will root all what he is
> saying in moral and ethical questions and language that
> relates to social justice in such a manner that even someone
> in Bangladesh can hear it and say, I can identify with
> the spirit of his struggle and the success of such a
> struggle is a universal blessing to humanity, which in John
> Stuart Mill's Ideal Utilitarianism, can bring joy
> because it satisfies our hunger for justice and human
> dignity. Granted Mill himself failed to honor the
> dignity of he people in India because of his work for the
> East India Company or something like that.
> I hope and pray that if there are
> moral and ethical issues of concern that detrimentally
> affect the lives of others, one does not need be of the same
> blood ancestry of such people or of the same religion or
> ethnic group before he or she can care about such concerns
> or join the struggle.
>
> Samuel
> On Thu, Dec 31, 2015 at
> 11:32 AM, 'chidi opara reports' via USA Africa
> Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
> wrote:
> Ndi'Igbo
> in Diaspora have decided to meet in Houston on the
> 29th – 30th
> of January 2016, to debate their fate in Nigeria. The move
> is necessitated by
> our past experiences and recent events in the
> country........................
> Click
> here to continue reading
>
> chidi
> opara reports: News Release: Ndi'Igbo In Diaspora
> ...Ndi'Igbo
> in Diaspora have decided to meet in Houston on the 29th –
> 30th
> of January 2016, to debate their fate in Nigeria.
> View
> on chidioparareports.b...Preview
> by Yahoo
>
>
>
> From chidi
> opara reports
>
> chidi
> opara reports is published as a social service by
> PublicInformationProjects
>
>
>
>
>
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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