Ogbuagu, we would be demonstrating a lot of wisdom if we learn to eat our biscuit from the edge instead of trying to gnaw at it from the middle. The Assistant Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Magu, never agreed with anybody that a house be rented for him in Abuja and at the cost being touted by the DSS for the gullible. On the contrary, the FCDA is assigned the responsibility of providing accommodations for all officials on permanent or temporary duty in Abuja and the cost of such accommodation is decided by the FCDA of which individual official has no influence. Mark you, FCDA works for Federal Capital Territory Administration. I agree that the amount paid for Magu's accommodation is exorbitant, but he cannot be blamed for that.
With what the DSS has demonstrated in the case of Magu, Nigerians should only make the sign of the cross and pray that may the soul of Nigeria rest in peace since the President would appear to be running the country with faith and prayers instead of work and politics. Before the President forwarded a letter to the Senate recommending Magu for confirmation in June 2016, the presidency should have cleared the question of Magu's eligibility with the DSS that serves under the Presidency. It is a fact that Magu has been accommodated in the expensive house since November 9, 2015, a good six months before the President considered him for substantive Chairman of the EFCC. So if the cost of Magu's accommodation disqualifies him from being elevated to the substantive rank, a DSS comprising of intelligent people would have made it known to the President in June 2016 before forwarding the nomination to the Senate. It is now an open secrete that the DSS forwarded two reports on Magu to the National Assembly on October 3, 2016. One report dated 25 August 2016, was sent to the Senior Special Assistant to the President on National Assembly Affairs, Senator Ita Enang while the other dated 21 September 2016, was sent to the Acting Clerk of the National Assembly, Mohammed Sani-Omolori. The two reports were signed on behalf of the Director General of the DSS, Lawal Daura, by one Folashade Bello. One of the DSS reports recommended Magu for confirmation while the other counselled against it. If Buhari is the real Executive President of Nigeria why should the DSS bypass him to forward adverse report on his nominee to the national assembly four months after sending his letter to the Senate? On Wednesday, 14 December 2016, Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu (PDP?) announced at the plenary that confirmation hearing with Magu would be held on Thursday, 15 December 2016, an announcement which was corroborated by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Anti-Corruption, Chukwuka Utazi (PDP, Enugu). Due to the fact that the Senators were in possession of two different reports on Magu for two months before announcing a date for his confirmation hearing, one would assume that the Senate hearing Committee had studied the report deeply so as to confront Magu with allegations against him. Instead of allowing Magu to defend himself against the so-called security report on him, which in essence is the purpose of Senate "Hearing," the Senate decided to reject Magu's nomination as the substantive chairman of the EFCC without any screening.
We know that more than 30% of the Nigerian Senators are under EFCC prosecution for treasury looting. Two years ago, an NGO obtained court's order forcing the national assembly to furnish the NGO with details of members monthly emoluments and allowances. The national assembly appealed against the judgement and after the appeal court decided in favour of the NGO, the national assembly appealed to the Supreme Court where the case file is now gathering dust. In November 2016, former president, Obasanjo averred that each National Assembly member takes between 10 and 15 million naira home every month because of corruption. Curiously, the national assembly members did not deny Obasanjo's accusation instead they accused him of being the grandfather of corruption.
S.Kadiri
Skickat: den 22 december 2016 12:43
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: DSS VS EFCC: HOW NOT TO DEFEND A FRIEND
An Assistant Commissioner of Police on special duty agrees to have a house rented for him, pays almost N40m for two years, and no one sees corruption in this arrangement? Instead, we are busy disputing on who paid for the accommodation - an individual under DSS investigation or another government agency that has nothing to do with the ACP and his Commission.
If we may ask, under what rule -and with what vote - does the FCT Administration waste public funds on rent for senior public servants when the extant policy is monetization? Who changed the monetization rule, when, and why? If one applies the monetization rule, how much would the Chairman of EFCC be entitled to for the duration of his tenure? Why rent a permanent accommodation for someone who is on temporary (acting) appointment?
That's the way we are...
On Monday, December 19, 2016 at 7:05:09 AM UTC-6, Ogbuagu wrote:
A number of Nigerian newspapers are currently mounting a robust defense of EFCC chairman and calling out the Department of State Security (DSS) for telling a lie.
Unfortunately, the newspapers have unwittingly confirmed that there is indeed something fishy going on at the EFCC. Here are the allegations and how they were "proved" to be "lies" through the investigative skills of the journalists.
Allegation 1: During the tenure of Farida Waziri as EFCC chair, sensitive documents were found in Mr. Magus's home during a raid. Yes indeed, sensitive documents were found in his home during a raid but he (Magu) had always been in the habit of taking sensitive documents home to "work round the clock." At any rate, he was queried by the Nigerian Police Force on the matter; not only was he cleared of the allegation but he was also promoted.
QUESTIONS: Were sensitive documents found in Magu's home during a raid? If yes, what is the EFCC policy on handling of sensitive documents? What is the business of the Nigerian Police with administrative procedures of the Commission?
Allegation 2: Mr. Magu lives in a private property rented for N40m (at N20m per year) and paid for by one Umar Mohammed. Yes, he lives in a private property but it cost ONLY N39.628m. The money was paid by FCDA, not Mohammed.
QUESTIONS: Is it acceptable to round off N39.6m to N40m? Who owns the Company, Valcour SA Nigeria Ltd? What is the business of FCDA with the payment of rent for the Chairman of EFCC who is a police officer on special duty?
Allegation 3: Mr. Magu does his official and private trips using Mohammed's private jet plane. The newspapers found only one evidence where Magu was "given a lift" by Mohammed but could not establish any others.
QUESTIONS: Where did the newspapers look for evidence that Mr. Magu was not jetting around on Mohammed's plane, outside the denial of "EFCC officials." When was Magu given "the lift" - before or after May 2016 when the DSS was given a nod by the President to invstigate the activities of this wheeler-dealer?
Allegation 4: On 24 June 2016, Mr. Magu spent N2.9m of public funds to fly first class on Emirates Airlines to Saudi Arabia for a pilgrimage - a private trip paid for with public funds. Yes, the newspapers found that he went on lesser Hajj on said date, and that he did fly Emirates first class and for the stated amount, but could not "independently confirm" that he dipped his hands in the public till to pay for this ticket.
QUESTION: Is it that difficult to pose the question directly to Mr. Magu and allow him to deny that he did not pinch N2.9m of public funds to make a private trip?
CONCLUSION: I am neither for nor against any of Mr. Magu, the EFCC, and the DSS. As we say on the streets, "dis mata na dem dem." I am a journalist and I do not know whether to laugh or to cry over this "robust defense" by my colleagues. I am also not sure that it is prudent for the media to brashly take the side of one security agency against another in a roforofo fight.
But that's the way we are...
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