An Assistant Commissioner of Police on special duty agrees to have a house rented for him, pays almost N40m for two years, and no one sees corruption in this arrangement? Instead, we are busy disputing on who paid for the accommodation - an individual under DSS investigation or another government agency that has nothing to do with the ACP and his Commission.
If we may ask, under what rule -and with what vote - does the FCT Administration waste public funds on rent for senior public servants when the extant policy is monetization? Who changed the monetization rule, when, and why? If one applies the monetization rule, how much would the Chairman of EFCC be entitled to for the duration of his tenure? Why rent a permanent accommodation for someone who is on temporary (acting) appointment?
That's the way we are...
On Monday, December 19, 2016 at 7:05:09 AM UTC-6, Ogbuagu wrote:
A number of Nigerian newspapers are currently mounting a robust defense of EFCC chairman and calling out the Department of State Security (DSS) for telling a lie.
Unfortunately, the newspapers have unwittingly confirmed that there is indeed something fishy going on at the EFCC. Here are the allegations and how they were "proved" to be "lies" through the investigative skills of the journalists.Allegation 1: During the tenure of Farida Waziri as EFCC chair, sensitive documents were found in Mr. Magus's home during a raid. Yes indeed, sensitive documents were found in his home during a raid but he (Magu) had always been in the habit of taking sensitive documents home to "work round the clock." At any rate, he was queried by the Nigerian Police Force on the matter; not only was he cleared of the allegation but he was also promoted.QUESTIONS: Were sensitive documents found in Magu's home during a raid? If yes, what is the EFCC policy on handling of sensitive documents? What is the business of the Nigerian Police with administrative procedures of the Commission?Allegation 2: Mr. Magu lives in a private property rented for N40m (at N20m per year) and paid for by one Umar Mohammed. Yes, he lives in a private property but it cost ONLY N39.628m. The money was paid by FCDA, not Mohammed.QUESTIONS: Is it acceptable to round off N39.6m to N40m? Who owns the Company, Valcour SA Nigeria Ltd? What is the business of FCDA with the payment of rent for the Chairman of EFCC who is a police officer on special duty?Allegation 3: Mr. Magu does his official and private trips using Mohammed's private jet plane. The newspapers found only one evidence where Magu was "given a lift" by Mohammed but could not establish any others.
QUESTIONS: Where did the newspapers look for evidence that Mr. Magu was not jetting around on Mohammed's plane, outside the denial of "EFCC officials." When was Magu given "the lift" - before or after May 2016 when the DSS was given a nod by the President to invstigate the activities of this wheeler-dealer?Allegation 4: On 24 June 2016, Mr. Magu spent N2.9m of public funds to fly first class on Emirates Airlines to Saudi Arabia for a pilgrimage - a private trip paid for with public funds. Yes, the newspapers found that he went on lesser Hajj on said date, and that he did fly Emirates first class and for the stated amount, but could not "independently confirm" that he dipped his hands in the public till to pay for this ticket.QUESTION: Is it that difficult to pose the question directly to Mr. Magu and allow him to deny that he did not pinch N2.9m of public funds to make a private trip?CONCLUSION: I am neither for nor against any of Mr. Magu, the EFCC, and the DSS. As we say on the streets, "dis mata na dem dem." I am a journalist and I do not know whether to laugh or to cry over this "robust defense" by my colleagues. I am also not sure that it is prudent for the media to brashly take the side of one security agency against another in a roforofo fight.But that's the way we are...
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