Thursday, February 1, 2018

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: Conference

A great conference, with great scholarly discussions eminent scholars  and numerous simultaneous panels.Very well organized indeed.

I enjoyed every minute  of it. Thank you.


 In the next birthday celebration, the cutting of a birthday cake  should be accompanied by

celebratory "washing" of the foundation stone or building of the Toyin Falola University.


Funding could be arrived at from grants and donations. The university could

 be self- sustainable as a private university. The TF Library complex would be installed in the institution.


 Another option  for funds is  the investor model, whereby 1000 investors contribute 

200 dollars each or thereabouts as initial funding  -  with the expectation of returns on

their investment at a specified time.


Or we can have a  community project involving

solar energy, waste disposal,  a  hospital or medical  equipment but the TF University sounds

best to me.



GE

gloriaemeagwali.com


\


Professor Gloria Emeagwali
Professor of History
History Department
Central Connecticut State University
1615 Stanley Street
 
New Britain. CT 06050
www.africahistory.net
Gloria Emeagwali's Documentaries on
Africa and the African Diaspora
8608322815  Phone
8608322804 Fax



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Re: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Why Dangiwa Umar Should be theStandard-bearer of the Third Force

Interesting analysis.  Shall we then substitute good leaders for competent leaders since some of us thing in this context they are interchangeable?

Second although competence should be the overriding factor does the zoning system not assume that if carefully searched there is no zone without competent people if the competence of rivals to leadership positions is only marginally above such others?

As much as the doctrine of competence is unassailable, in the case of such marginal excellence what is to prevent a group tinkering with the electoral system to ensure only one of its own is continuously returned?



Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.


-------- Original message --------
From: Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com>
Date: 01/02/2018 14:34 (GMT+00:00)
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Why Dangiwa Umar Should be theStandard-bearer of the Third Force

Farooq has not insulted anybody, he only followed the established politics of zoning Presidential candidate in Nigeria as laid down in 1999 by the PDP. At present, Muhammadu Buhari, a northern APC is the President whose body language indicates that he is going to seek re-election in 2019. PDP the major opposition party at moment has zoned its 2019 Presidential candidate to the North. http://punchng.com/2019-seast-pdp-endorses-zoning-of-presidency-to-north/ 

punchng.com
Ihuoma Chiedozie, Enugu The Peoples Democratic Party in the South-East, on Monday, endorsed the party's zoning arrangement, which zoned the office...
When zoning of Presidential candidate was introduced in 1999 by the PDP, the only person who opposed zoning, for being undemocratic, was the late Abubakar Rimi who, as a member of PDP in the 2003 presidential election, applied for nomination against Olusegun Obasanjo, but without success. It was PDP zoning arrangement between North and South that threw up Imoru Musa Yar'Adua as the President and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as his vice after Obasanjo's eight years tenure in 2007. As fate had it, Yar'Adua died in 2010 and Jonathan succeeded him as substantive President to complete the four years presidential joint ticket with Yar'Adua. When the 2011 Presidential election was approaching, Northern members of the PDP averred that the PDP zoning arrangement did not permit Jonathan to contest the 2011 Presidential election, as he was only to complete the four years tenure on joint ticket with the late Yar'Adua and after which a Northerner would be President until 2015. The common consensus among Nigerians was that the PDP constitution was inferior to the Nigerian Constitution and that Jonathan was entitled to contest the 2011 Presidential election. He contested and won only to be incompetent and inefficient in office. Despite that, he sought re-election in 2015 against the will of most members of the PDP in the North who were clamouring for power to return to the North. On the other hand supporters of Jonathan, such as Oluwatoyin Adepoju, did not object to power returning to the North on zoning principle rather, they demanded that Jonathan, as a Southerner, should be allowed the constitutional concession of a four-year two terms tenure as president before returning power to the North. The advocates of zoning in that wise had assumed that any Presidential candidate fielded by the PDP would always win and did not envisage that any political party could pick a candidate from any part of the country and win. However, Jonathan contested and lost the 2015 Presidential election to Buhari. Farooq, like most Nigerian intellectuals, has never seen zoning, on which he based his suggestion that Dangiwa Umar should be the Presidential candidate of the third force in 2019, as undemocratic. Although Benue, Kogi, Kwara and Plateau States are normally grouped into the North, having been part of the defunct Northern Region, Farooq picked his Presidential candidate among the grade 1 Northerners (a Fulani). In 1960s, during the time of Ahmadu Bello, northerners were divided into three different grades, of which the Fulani were grade 1, Hausa were grade II and the rest especially people from nowadays Benue, Kogi, Kwara and Plateau States were grade III. That the choice of Farooq's Presidential candidate is a grade I Northerner is not surprising but that he is  a former military Colonel. 

Our experience about Nigerian military rulers is not good. The Nigerian military is supposed to contain the most disciplined people in Nigeria but our presumed disciplined military rulers of Nigeria have demonstrated the highest level of indiscipline and have perpetrated the greatest economic plunder ever Nigeria. Out of 57 years of Nigeria's independence (?) the military or former military men have governed Nigeria for 46 years. With the exception of Yakubu Gowon, who fought three years war without incurring debt for Nigeria and whose standard of living today is obviously within his legitimate income, all our military rulers plundered Nigeria's treasury and are today stupendously rich. Since all Nigerian military men are foxy, they should not be trusted to rule Nigeria anymore. We have had too many military rulers in Nigeria that is why the country is where we are all complaining bitterly about today. Thus, Colonel Dangiwa Umar is disqualified as an ex-military man to lead the government of Nigeria.

Nigeria does not need a Santa Cruz as a leader but someone who accepts to be a servant and not a master of the people. The country is not in need of good and kind leaders. A servant leader treats all citizens alike but a good and kind leader discriminates and distributes favours among citizens. A servant leader is a competent person that obeys the laws and the constitution of the country. Section 15(4) of the current Nigerian Constitution says, "The state shall foster a feeling of belonging and involvement among the various people of the Federation to the extent that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties." Section 15 (4) is augmented by Section 15 (5) thus, "The State shall abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power." The implication of Section 15 (4) & (5) is that it does not matter which part of the country a Nigerian leader comes from or which ethnic language a Nigerian government leader speaks, all citizens shall feel sense of belonging to the country by the competent manner in which the leader governs the country. We concentrate so much on the tribe and religion of Nigerian leaders and officials instead of focussing on their competence in fulfilling the obligations assigned to, and required of, their offices. For instance, during the eight years tenure of Olusegun Obasanjo as President of Nigeria, he and his officials spent $16 billion to generate and distribute electricity to Nigerians but the result we have is that he generated and distributed darkness to all Nigerians. That negative result should not be blamed on the tribe or religious affiliation of Obasanjo and his officials but to their incompetence. It is primitive to decide in advance that the President should come from a particular part of the country regardless of if more competent people are available elsewhere in the country. By zoning the Presidency and appointing government officials on ethnic quotas, Nigeria is governed by position seeking tribalists and academic harlots in lieu of competent people. We cannot, on the principal of zoning and quota system, wear a fingerless leper with boxing gloves to go and fight for world heavy weight championship!
S. Kadiri      





Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju <toyin.adepoju@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 30 januari 2018 08:01
Till: usaafricadialogue
Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Why Dangiwa Umar Should be theStandard-bearer of the Third Force
 
Farooq has again chosen to entertain  us with a culture of insults while no one  insulted him.

How wise is it to divorce ethnicity from Nigerian politics, even in seeking leadership?

Is that genuine disinterested critique or unrealistic analysis?

Can we avoid the implications of  the current ethnic configuration of Nigerian politics?

Note that Farooq is not presenting Umar bcs he is the best candidate Farooq knows. Farooq is presenting him as a candidate from the Muslim North bcs he sees the current national mood as favouring a Northern Muslim candidate, note that Northern in this context invariably  means Northern Muslim on account of the Muslim dominance of that region, even though there are Northern Christians  too. Farooq also references arrangements among Nigerian political parties.

First, its not true that the national mood favours a Northern Muslim candidate. The Buhari experience, following on much blind hope,  has inspired much disillusionment with that demographic. Secondly, its this regional sharing arrangement that is the root of Boko Haram and the current terrorist crisis through either anger in believing onself to be cheated of the Presidency  or the resolve to maximise its ethnic empowerment potential. While its good to be pragmatic, should we not also seek something that will take us out of this  cycle?

It was the blind effort to ignore such considerations that gave us Buhari while anybody who studied him ought to know that he embodies a clannish mentality.

I am not pleased with what I see as the identification of leadership from the Muslim North  with non-technocratic figures like Buhari, in spite of all his political appointments in a career in which he is knot known for any achievement or even any occupation  outside such appointments, and even Col.Umar, whose quantification to lead Nigeria  as presented by Farooq  centre on  the military man's  integrity and do not include any track record beyond the military.

Integrity and the otyer values farooq ascribes to Umar are good but how far beyond baseline qualifications are they?

We need technocrats. We need to broaden our pool.

In such a large  pool why is it such a person with minimal  qualifications in managing an enterprise that is being invoked?

If he were Yoruba, Igbo or Ijaw would he have stood out?

Please lets not pretend that various Nigerian ethnicities are weighted differently in considering their leadership capacities, a situation that gave us such an educationally and professionally handicapped person as Buhari in the first place. 

Please lets raise our bar and also keep in mind  such issues as the Fulani herdsmen terrorist menace in which most Fulani are either silent or openly or tacitly supporting the terrorist  agenda.

Has Col. Umar  contributed anything on this crisis, for example?


toyin


On 30 January 2018 at 01:57, 'Klalli' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:
The key question is this. What has the man-Col Umar- done since his retirement from the army in 1993 at age 42-43 to show that he has the capacity for the job of President? And what did he do during his military career to show that he can be an effective president in modern day Nigeria.


-----Original Message-----
From: 'Adeshina Afolayan' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
To: usaafricadialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Mon, Jan 29, 2018 6:26 pm
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Why Dangiwa Umar Should be theStandard-bearer of the Third Force

I think the responses to Kperogi's article have failed to properly understand where he is coming from with his recommendation. I am surprised that, again, we are reading ethnicity into the genuine search for a genuine leader with the capacity to lead Nigeria out of the wood. The real question is: where do we get a good leader? The real answer ought to be: Anywhere! It doesn't matter whether the one we are looking for is Hausa, Fulani, Igbo or Yoruba. We simply need a good leader who can transcend his or her ethnicity and attend to Nigeria. It actually also does not matter if the person is military or civilian. There is nothing in the democratic tenets that forbids anyone from putting him or herself up or from being put up for the office. Indeed, there is nothing in democratic practice that guarantee epistemic certainty about the choice of who we want in the office. Buhari represents a present example of the uncertainty embedded in democracy. But then, isn't that the wonderful thing about it all: Our capacity to deliberate critically on who want to elect, the person's capacity (and not ethnicity), the person's antecedents (and not profession), etc. If Col. Umar has what it takes, do please let's elect him into office. To hell with where he came from! 
    
 
Adeshina Afolayan, PhD
Department of Philosophy
University of Ibadan


+23480-3928-8429


On Monday, January 29, 2018 7:33 AM, Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju <toyin.adepoju@gmail.com> wrote:


Thanks, Segun.

I wonder why this fixation on a particular ethnicity, and people without any or little track record of technocratic leadership.

de tin tire me

toyin

On 29 January 2018 at 03:11, segun ogungbemi <seguno2013@gmail.com> wrote:
This alternative choice you have proudly advertised is as deadly as Buhari in the circumstances in which Nigeria is under the yoke of the Fulani herdsmen. 
More importantly,  his genealogical background makes him extremely dangerous considering the jihad of his great ancestor, Othman dan Fodio who attempted to Islamize the country that became Nigeria. His destruction of indigenous cultural values which his followers still teach in the country has caused the under development of Nigeria. 
Furthermore  must we believe ex-sldiers are Nigerian political, economic and social Messiah?  Don't we have millions of credible fellow Nigerians in and outside the country that can save the country from your perceived end of the time,  if Buhari is reelected?  
Finally,  let us stop recycling the same ethinic leaders and look for others with impressive track records. The electorate can be of help if we ask them to make the  choice. 
Segun Ogungbemi 

On Jan 28, 2018 19:15, "Olayinka Agbetuyi" <yagbetuyi@hotmail.com> wrote:
Except that I want us to end a culture that sees military men as the best (over civilians) even in a civilian dispensation (I stood against the candidature of OBJ to succeed Abubakir for the same reason) Umars past recommends him as a potential successor to Buhari with the following caveat: 

that he upholds the gentleman's agreement that like Mandela he will not rule for more than one term and that he finds a suitable  civilian candidate from the next zone to rule be adopted as his running mate and groomed to ensure the continuity of the programmes that brought Buhari to power iin the first instance which going by Umars past credentials he (Umar) is expected to pursue with relentless vigour originally expected from PMB.



Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.


-------- Original message --------
From: "Farooq A. Kperogi" <farooqkperogi@gmail.com>
Date: 27/01/2018 07:30 (GMT+00:00)
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Why Dangiwa Umar Should be theStandard-bearer  of the Third Force

Boxbe This message is eligible for Automatic Cleanup! (farooqkperogi@gmail.com) Add cleanup rule | More info
Twitter: @farooqkperogi

While there is a widening consensus that President Buhari, through his remarkable incompetence and bigotry, is inexorably leading Nigeria to infernal ruination, there isn't a sufficiently robust discussion on who should replace him. Most politically unaffiliated people who have accepted that the presidency is above Buhari's mental paygrade simply say the swashbucklers in PDP can't be his replacement.

It's time to move beyond that rhetoric. Who is a viable alternative to Buhari? Who has the capacity to steer us away from the path of perdition we're headed under Buhari?  There is a curious reluctance to confront these questions forthrightly. This reluctance conduces to the flourishing of dishonest and exasperating bromides like "Well, we know Buhari is incompetent, but what is the alternative?" or "Although we agree that Buhari hasn't lived up to expectation, there is really no alternative to him at this time."

It's like being led to a pit of hell by a blind guide and saying, "Well, there is no alternative to this guide, so I have to come to terms with my earthly damnation." That's pointless, boneheaded self-immolation. Only people with a perverse taste for self-violence reason like that. There ARE several alternatives to Buhari.

In my December 16, 2017 column titled "There Must be an Alternative to Buhari and Atiku," from which former President Olusegun Obasanjo quoted in his recent press statement, I suggested that we give a thought to Retired Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar.

"How about we try someone else? Off the top of my head, I can think of retired Colonel Dangiwa Umar widely acknowledged as just, fair, principled, hardworking, cosmopolitan, widely traveled, and well-educated," I Wrote. "I'm not suggesting that he is perfect. He is not. No one is. It is our imperfections that make us human, but we all know what sorts of imperfections ruin nations and its people. I don't think anyone can accuse him of those sorts of imperfections—sloth, lethargy, corruption, clannishness, incompetence, indecisiveness, etc. He may decline to throw his hat in the ring. But there are many like him."

I see that there is now a growing conversation around getting Col. Umar interested in a run for the office of president in 2019. But I am also aware that some people have raised concerns about the symbolic burden of his military background, particularly because of justified national anxieties about the domination of our politics by past military people. This is a legitimate concern.

Nevertheless, I believe Umar's military background is incidental to his qualification for this job. It is the strength of his character, his urbaneness, his record of inclusivity, his contagiously genuine passion for pan-Nigerianism, his stubborn commitment to higher principles, his vast knowledge of the ways of the world, his intellectual curiosity, his unflappability in the face of stress and strain, and his broadmindedness that stand him out and that would potentially make him such a comforting departure from the blight we're mired in now.

There are many others like him, but I am suggesting him for at least two reasons. One, the national mood appears to favor a northern presidential candidate, perhaps as a consequence of the internal power-sharing arrangements of most political parties. Second, the only northerner, in my estimation, who is "salable" outside his natal region based on his record is Umar.

His uncommonly principled stand against the cancellation of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, which caused him to voluntarily resign his commission from the Nigerian military, will resonate with many voters in the southwest. He fought General Sani Abacha with all his strength when it was extremely risky to do so—and at the cost of libelous smears and threats to his life.

His exemplary, even-handed management of the 1987 religious crisis in Kaduna is still a reference point. "If you win a religious war, you cannot win religious peace," he famously said. "Since the killing started how many Christians have been converted to Islam? How many Muslims have been converted to Christianity? It is an exercise in futility."

He is one of only a few northern Muslim leaders that northern Christians trust and have confidence in. Although he is a direct descendant of Usman Dan Fodio (his father was Wazirin Gwandu), he is on record as being severely critical of religious bigotry by Muslims, a reason he isn't popular in his immediate constituency.

He was also one of only a few northerners to recognize the legitimacy of IPOB's angst and to caution against government's strong-arm tactics against the group. "One of the swiftest ways of destroying a kingdom is to give preference to one particular tribe over another, or to show favour to one group of people rather than another, and to draw near those who should be kept away and keep away those that should be drawn near," he wrote in a press statement on August 30, 2017. "Like Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, many Igbos genuinely feel marginalized since they belong to the category of those who gave Mr President only 5% of their votes and appeared to have fallen out of his favour."

Whatever foibles Umar has, ethnic and religious bigotry aren't one of them. Given the unprecedented dissension and acrimony that Buhari's government has instigated in the nation, we need a clearheaded, mild-mannered, even-tempered nationalist to bring us together, to calm frayed nerves, and to inspire us to dream again. I see Umar fitting this role.

He will certainly lose in the northwest and in such northeastern states as Borno, Yobe, Bauchi, and Gombe. In these states, most—certainly not all—people would vote for Buhari even if he were to go on a murdering spree of people there. Those who survive the carnage would still vote for him. But remember that the votes of this bloc were never sufficient to make him president.

If he were to square off against Buhari in a free and fair election in 2019, Umar would handily win the deep south, the southeast, most of the southwest, and the northcentral, except, perhaps, Niger State. In essence, he would reduce Buhari to the ethno-regional champion he had always been, which was reversed because of the purchase his candidacy got in the southwest and the Christian north in 2015 as a consequence of Jonathan's intolerable misgovernance.

But if Jonathan was clueless, Buhari embodies cluelessness on steroids. Buhari's cliquishness, insouciance, and down-the-line incompetence are a clear and present danger to Nigeria's continued existence. Reelecting him in 2019 would be the kiss of death for the nation.

 It's impossible for Nigeria to survive a 4-year extension of Buhari's misrule, which is characterized by rampant injustice, invidious selectivity, insecurity, unexampled nepotism, smartly dressed corruption, sloth, intellectual laziness, hardship, and directionlessness. You know a country is utterly leaderless when it has a president who proudly says "I am not in a hurry to do anything" while the country he supposedly governs burns.


Umar won't be perfect. He would falter. The intoxication of power may alter him. And maybe not. But the beauty of democracy is that it imbues us with the power to change ineffective leaders. It is the incremental rectification of past electoral mistakes that aggregates to qualitative change in democratic societies. No society makes progress by reelecting transparently incompetent leaders.

Related Article:




Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Journalism & Emerging Media
School of Communication & Media
Social Science Building 
Room 5092 MD 2207
402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, Georgia, USA 30144
Cell: (+1) 404-573-9697
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Author of Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World

"The nice thing about pessimism is that you are constantly being either proven right or pleasantly surprised." G. F. Will

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fw: OOU AND TAKEAWAYS FROM A CONVOCATION LECTURE



Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.
From: ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com
Sent: Thursday, 1 February 2018 15:06
To: ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com
Subject: OOU AND TAKEAWAYS FROM A CONVOCATION LECTURE



Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.
From: Femi Babatunde <ofemibabatunde@yahoo.com>
Sent: Thursday, 1 February 2018 14:31
To: Ayo Olukotun
Subject: OOU AND TAKEAWAYS FROM A CONVOCATION LECTURE

OOU AND TAKEAWAYS FROM A CONVOCATION LECTURE

Ayo Olukotun

One of the noticeable things about the 27th Convocation ceremony of the Ogun State-owned Olabisi Onabanjo University, held on Wednesday, 31st January is that it took place at all. For, as the Convocation Lecturer, Professor Michael Faborode noted, several years went by without graduating classes, as a result of paralysing internal crises, which twisted the university calendar out of control. However, as Faborode put it, "The good news for OOU is that the hard times are gone and a better OOU has been reengineered". That gust of fresh air, drawing upon the confidence created by five successive convocation ceremonies in a row, was evident on Wednesday, hinting of continuities between the administrations of a former Vice Chancellor, Professor Jimi Adesanya and the recently appointed incumbent, Professor Ganiyu Olatunde.

The lighter sides of the ceremony saw the visitor to the University, and governor of Ogun State, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, in ecstatic mood, adjusting the robes of some of the distinguished professionals, to whom honorary doctorate degrees were awarded, as well as the prolonged salute and rising in unison by staff, graduands and the invitees when the hefty Curriculum Vitae of Professor Toyin Falola, Distinguished Professor from the University of Texas was being read by the University Orator. Enduring takeaways came from the pedigree of the honorees and the Convocation Lecture: the first evoked the spirit of excellence, while the second, the lecture, contained policy prescriptions, which if implemented, would do our universities a world of good. The roll of honorees included the Alake of Egba Land, Oba Adedotun Gbadebo, the eloquent Mrs. Ibukun Awosika, Chairman, Board of Directors of First Bank, Aigbojie Aig-Imoukuede, capital market mogul and financial wizard, as well as Africa's leading historian, Professor Toyin Falola.

Too often, our universities have been blamed for joining the Nigerian bazaar of selling honorary doctorates to the undeserving and morally compromised. The convocation was, at least, one occasion where no controversy can be raised about the stature of the recipients.

Equally stirring is the Convocation Lecture, which speaks to one of the topical issues in the public space, namely, how to lift our universities from their current backwater positions in global league tables to a modicum of the limelight and credibility they once enjoyed. Although Faborode focuses on state universities in Nigeria: problems, prospects and our common future, he inserts his topic in wider concerns about making Nigerian universities more contemporary and more relevant to the needs of the surrounding communities while still aspiring to global stature. Drawing on the wide ranging literature on the subject, the lecturer argued that world-class universities usually possess three attributes, namely, a high concentration of talents (faculty and students), abundant resources for building rich learning environments and conducting advanced research, as well as favourable governance, which connotes strategic vision, innovation and flexibility in decision making. According to him, it is the interrelationship and deployment of these factors that account for the success of the best universities in the world. He went on to say that of the three factors, governance is the most crucial, given that the other two could not be effectively channeled without leaders of vision and accountable governance structures. This of course, is somewhat debatable, considering that vision without resources and support structures, human and material, amount to little beyond day dreaming.

Part of the problem is that many of our universities came into existence in periods of national recession, and therefore, were born into leanness without having enjoyed the years of plenty, which the older universities enjoyed. Hence, one can contrast the constraining environmental and architectural profiles of most of our universities with the grandeur and spatial leeway of the older universities.

That contrast is a metaphor for other deficiencies, especially in the areas educational resources and quality manpower. True, a few of the best private universities, as well as state universities, as the lecturer indicated, have tried to overcome some of the handicaps, but they do not go far enough. For example, comparing Ekiti State University with Afe Babalola University, Faborode maintains that while Ekiti State University, which has been in existence since 1982 is yet to establish a teaching hospital to train medical doctors, Afe Babalola University, established nine years ago, now has a teaching hospital, which "may well be the best well-equipped modern teaching hospital in Nigeria". To be sure, the feat of ABUAD is worth remarking, but it takes more than building an elaborate structure to establish quality education. To put it in another way, ABUAD's achievement will only be complete when it is able to attract outstanding medical staff and students to its well-equipped hospital.

On one occasion a colleague and I were discussing the merits of a particular private university which has done well for itself in building a fantastic campus and setting up what is potentially an excellent learning environment. My colleague, looking me in the face, asked me a simple question: "Do you know any influential scholar who has been attracted to that university?" I mused for a while and answered, "No, I do not".

That anecdote throws a perspective on the limited achievement of constructing grand structures which are good in themselves, but without the requisite capacity to attract outstanding talents (faculty and students) to man and take advantage of them. All over the world, students, especially graduate students are attracted to scholars with clear identities and niches in their disciplines. So, in the humanities and social sciences, a graduate student might wish to learn at the feet of a Toyin Falola, a Femi Osofisan, a Layi Erioso or an Adigun Agbaje. Consequently, our universities, public and private still need to cross the hurdle of building not just eye-catching structures, but institutions that can attract outstanding talents, who will be magnets or selling points for bringing others around.

Interestingly too, Faborode insists that for our universities, especially state universities to improve their ranking on global league tables, they must tap into strengths of town and gown collaboration in order to build a knowledge economy, which would reciprocally foster interactions between the university, industry, as well as research and innovation institutes. This is an area where OOU has the advantage of location in the Lagos-Ogun industrial and financial hub, where entrepreneurial talents are heavily concentrated. The recent appointment of Mrs. Mosun Bello-Olusoga, Chairman of Access Bank, as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of Council, as well as the endowment of a Professorial Chair in Governance by the Awujale of Ijebu Land, Oba Dr Sikiru Kayode Adetona, are harbingers of what can happen with greater and more focused collaboration between town and gown.

There is no reason why Ogun State should not lead the way in this direction. For example, if the many Senior Advocates of Nigeria from that state make the Faculty of Law a priority project for attention. It will go a long way into turning that faculty into a centre of excellence.

A university must do more than survive. It must seek to become a centre of innovation and distinction. The challenge for OOU and other universities in the coming years is to feature, as Faborode suggests, in the emergent Nigerian African Centres of Excellence and to earn a more advantageous location on the global knowledge map.

 

*Olukotun is the Oba (Dr.) Sikiru Kayode Adetona Professorial Chair in Governance, Department of Political Science, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye.





 
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