Response to Chidi
Paradox of Spiritual Dedication and Service as Social Stigma in the Osu System
1. Spiritual Dedicand and Social Stigmatite [neologisms]
'(1) Can servants of gods in Igboland be regarded as contaminated/
compromised humanity?
(2) Can Chukwu's(God's) representatives on earth; amadioha and others
Chidi
The answer of collective Igbo cultural memory to this question is YES.
The logic being that they are understood as contaminated in a way that is dangerous to other humans but is a consequence of their dedication to the deity.
Francis Onwubuariri addresses this paradox in 'Appraising the Osu Caste System in Igboland'
'...they can be given the sacred place of priest, they are still seen as priests without power and prestige by the freeborn because they do not and cannot command the respect or attract the admiration of the freeborns due to their Osu stigma in the sight of the freeborns due to the fact that they see themselves as inferior beings.'
......
According to M. M. Green talking about making an Osu priest in his Book Igbo Village Affairs, he made the point that "The Osu people looked up as horrible and holy by the society do not necessarily make them into people of authority, because of their anomalous position in some society, but it does not mean that they are or may be a part of the mechanism whereby law and order are preserved (1978, 20).
....
2. Brutal and Once Pervasive Discrimination
'(3)What are the manifestations of this Contamination(curse) in the Igbo belief system?'
It has been held that relating with Osu is harmful.
People refuse to marry Osu so that cures do not enter into their family and so they too dont become Osu.
It has been stated that Osu gives off a bad smell on account of the effect of the 'juju' that owns them.
Francis Onwubuariri lists various forms of anti-osu discrimination-
1. Marriage between osu and diala or freeborn, a taboo. Sexual relations taboo. Any infringement makes the offending freeborn osu.
The Facebook groups against the Osu sysyenm describe this as still very active among Igbos in Nigeria.
2. Birth and Death
From birth to death, the Diala do not ever dare to rejoice over or celebrate the arrival of a new born baby delivered by an Osu as they do not sympathize with or lament over mishaps on them" (64).
Besides, it is said accordingly that in the Igbo days of Yore, that at the death of an Osu, the Diala do not participate in the digging of ground as well as taking part in any other burial rites likewise the Osus. The Osus are not allowed to be buried around the places where the freeborn were buried.
One of the reasons for this hostility towards the Osus by the freeborns even at death was according to Magbobukwa because the freeborns do not believe that the Osus do have any soul to be saved, hence, there is nothing like the resurrection of the soul for them. Just as the case was with Whites and the Blacks in American and South Africa where the White sees the blacks as people with no history, no hope of life after death a blissful resurrection probably on the last day.
.....
As an ancillary to the above view, Onwubiko said in his book Facing the Osu issue in the African Synod that "it was the traditional Igbo religious belief that a person on whom the right of segregation was performed as was the case of the Osu was bound to be last in the life after death and thereafter would not attain the blissful state in the spirit world. This belief was very latent in the minds of the adult Igbos" (1993).
....
Furthermore, Mabobukwa enunciated same of the rights enjoyed by the freeborns at death. According to him, when a man is pronounced dead, the relatives gather together and he will be lowered to the grave. Three days later, the buried rites begin, the following animals are provided:
Ikenga Ewu (A female goat that has given birth)
Agbogho Ewu (A female goat that has not given birth)
Okemkpi (A he goat)
Okokpa (A cock) (50)
It is believed that when ever a person is buried with the enunciated items and several other ones, based on the culture and tradition, the person will be welcomed in the land of the dead. But since the Osus do not enjoy these rights during burial rites, thus, their spirits did not go well in the land of the dead. Thus, they will not take part in any thing that has to do with life after death.
.......
3. Chieftaincy titles
One of the enormous social segregation between an Osu and the freeborns is prevalent in the case of making an Osu a chief or king over the freeborn. It is a sheer abomination in Igbo land till date to coronate an Osu or to crown any untouchable or slaves a king that will rule over the freeborns even if the person is the most eligible person for the seat in the community or land. The people would rather choose a mediocre or an unqualified person to rule them instead of seeing themselves being ruled by a known slave of the gods.
Kenneth Ezeaguba in an interview made the following assertions "I witness a situation where a well educated man was acceded to the traditional chieftaincy title of grown town, this man is overtly overflowing with benevolence, integrity, dynamism, thus, he was very popular. But some people protested, claiming that he was said to be an osu and as such should not rule over the freeborn. They therefore chose a less qualified and unqualified illiterate as the rightful candidate"(interviewed at Owerri).
4. Hospitality- GIVING A COLA NUT TO AN OSU
From the issue of making an osu a chief, also comes the issue of showing or giving cola nut to the osu. Due to the high esteem which the Igbo's held cola nut, it becomes a misdeed for a person to show cola nut to an osu in the presence of visitors or to give a cola nut to an osu who visited a freeborn
According to Jude Mgbabukwa, "the reason for this discrimination is because there is never a time an Osu is welcomed in the house of a Diala. In many social gatherings, by the time cola nuts are broken and eaten, an Osu is made to be aware that he is a stranger being manly tolerated" (48).
Osu as at this time are regarded as inferior beings and as such should not be given a cola nut by the freeborns nor is it pertinent for an Osu to give cola nut to the freeborns.
5. Summation of Discrimination
Children of the free born were forbidden to see the corpse of an Osu. An Osu could not be chief or a feasten of any village. If the corpse of an Osu was to be carried through the village of a Diala, palm frond was placed every where to warn the people that evil was in the air and a bad event was to happen. lf an Osu had a sexual intercourse with a Diala woman, the offending woman was to be dragged to the Osu to marry for free. Under no circumstances would a Diala run into the compound of an Osu even if it was raining or he was being chased with gun ormachete, if one did so, he or she automatically becomes Osu."
Extant Anti-Osu Discrimination
Those of those discriminatory practices still active are that on marriage and that on headship of communities.
People on the Facebook groups against the osu system testify to that on marriage and the case of the Omoude community I linked in an earlier post confirms the headship discrimination as active up till 1999. The village was seen as an osu community and so the rotational headship of the group of villages to which it belongs to was denied it and its people brutalized into the bargain, so the story went: the tragic story of the Omuode community in 1999.
Further Questions from Chidi
(4) How are these manifestations handled?
(5) Are these manifestations part of the hallmarks of the Osu agbaras?
Also, I am yet to observe a distinction known as 'osu agbara' in any source, apart from your summation, Chidi. Can you give any info that will confirm your summation?
thanks
toyin
On Wed, Apr 3, 2013 at 2:55 PM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tvade3@gmail.com> wrote:
Response to Chidi
Paradox of Spiritual Dedication and Service as Social Stigma in the Osu System
1. Spiritual Dedicand and Social Stigmatite [neologisms]
'(1) Can servants of gods in Igboland be regarded as contaminated/condone being served by contaminated/compromised humanity?'
compromised humanity?
(2) Can Chukwu's(God's) representatives on earth; amadioha and others
Chidi
The answer of collective Igbo cultural memory to this question is YES.
The logic being that they are understood as contaminated in a way that is dangerous to other humans but is a consequence of their dedication to the deity.
Francis Onwubuariri addresses this paradox in 'Appraising the Osu Caste System in Igboland'
'...they can be given the sacred place of priest, they are still seen as priests without power and prestige by the freeborn because they do not and cannot command the respect or attract the admiration of the freeborns due to their Osu stigma in the sight of the freeborns due to the fact that they see themselves as inferior beings.'
......
According to M. M. Green talking about making an Osu priest in his Book Igbo Village Affairs, he made the point that "The Osu people looked up as horrible and holy by the society do not necessarily make them into people of authority, because of their anomalous position in some society, but it does not mean that they are or may be a part of the mechanism whereby law and order are preserved (1978, 20).
....
2. Brutal and Once Pervasive Discrimination
'(3)What are the manifestations of this Contamination(curse) in the Igbo belief system?'
It has been held that relating with Osu is harmful.
People refuse to marry Osu so that cures do not enter into their family and so they too dont become Osu.
It has been stated that Osu gives off a bad smell on account of the effect of the 'juju' that owns them.
Francis Onwubuariri lists various forms of anti-osu discrimination-
1. Marriage between osu and diala or freeborn, a taboo. Sexual relations taboo. Any infringement makes the offending freeborn osu.
The Facebook groups against the Osu sysyenm describe this as still very active among Igbos in Nigeria.
2. Birth and Death
From birth to death, the Diala do not ever dare to rejoice over or celebrate the arrival of a new born baby delivered by an Osu as they do not sympathize with or lament over mishaps on them" (64).
Besides, it is said accordingly that in the Igbo days of Yore, that at the death of an Osu, the Diala do not participate in the digging of ground as well as taking part in any other burial rites likewise the Osus. The Osus are not allowed to be buried around the places where the freeborn were buried.
One of the reasons for this hostility towards the Osus by the freeborns even at death was according to Magbobukwa because the freeborns do not believe that the Osus do have any soul to be saved, hence, there is nothing like the resurrection of the soul for them. Just as the case was with Whites and the Blacks in American and South Africa where the White sees the blacks as people with no history, no hope of life after death a blissful resurrection probably on the last day.
.....
As an ancillary to the above view, Onwubiko said in his book Facing the Osu issue in the African Synod that "it was the traditional Igbo religious belief that a person on whom the right of segregation was performed as was the case of the Osu was bound to be last in the life after death and thereafter would not attain the blissful state in the spirit world. This belief was very latent in the minds of the adult Igbos" (1993).
....
Furthermore, Mabobukwa enunciated same of the rights enjoyed by the freeborns at death. According to him, when a man is pronounced dead, the relatives gather together and he will be lowered to the grave. Three days later, the buried rites begin, the following animals are provided:
Ikenga Ewu (A female goat that has given birth)
Agbogho Ewu (A female goat that has not given birth)
Okemkpi (A he goat)
Okokpa (A cock) (50)
It is believed that when ever a person is buried with the enunciated items and several other ones, based on the culture and tradition, the person will be welcomed in the land of the dead. But since the Osus do not enjoy these rights during burial rites, thus, their spirits did not go well in the land of the dead. Thus, they will not take part in any thing that has to do with life after death.
.......
3. Chieftaincy titles
One of the enormous social segregation between an Osu and the freeborns is prevalent in the case of making an Osu a chief or king over the freeborn. It is a sheer abomination in Igbo land till date to coronate an Osu or to crown any untouchable or slaves a king that will rule over the freeborns even if the person is the most eligible person for the seat in the community or land. The people would rather choose a mediocre or an unqualified person to rule them instead of seeing themselves being ruled by a known slave of the gods.
Kenneth Ezeaguba in an interview made the following assertions "I witness a situation where a well educated man was acceded to the traditional chieftaincy title of grown town, this man is overtly overflowing with benevolence, integrity, dynamism, thus, he was very popular. But some people protested, claiming that he was said to be an osu and as such should not rule over the freeborn. They therefore chose a less qualified and unqualified illiterate as the rightful candidate"(interviewed at Owerri).
4. Hospitality- GIVING A COLA NUT TO AN OSU
From the issue of making an osu a chief, also comes the issue of showing or giving cola nut to the osu. Due to the high esteem which the Igbo's held cola nut, it becomes a misdeed for a person to show cola nut to an osu in the presence of visitors or to give a cola nut to an osu who visited a freeborn
According to Jude Mgbabukwa, "the reason for this discrimination is because there is never a time an Osu is welcomed in the house of a Diala. In many social gatherings, by the time cola nuts are broken and eaten, an Osu is made to be aware that he is a stranger being manly tolerated" (48).
Osu as at this time are regarded as inferior beings and as such should not be given a cola nut by the freeborns nor is it pertinent for an Osu to give cola nut to the freeborns.
5. Summation of Discrimination
Children of the free born were forbidden to see the corpse of an Osu. An Osu could not be chief or a feasten of any village. If the corpse of an Osu was to be carried through the village of a Diala, palm frond was placed every where to warn the people that evil was in the air and a bad event was to happen. lf an Osu had a sexual intercourse with a Diala woman, the offending woman was to be dragged to the Osu to marry for free. Under no circumstances would a Diala run into the compound of an Osu even if it was raining or he was being chased with gun ormachete, if one did so, he or she automatically becomes Osu."
Further Questions from ChidiI would like clarification on these questions.
(4) How are these manifestations handled?
(5) Are these manifestations part of the hallmarks of the Osu agbaras?
Also, I am yet to observe a distinction known as 'osu agbara' in any source, apart from your summation, Chidi. Can you give any info that will confirm your summation?
thanks
toyinOn Thu, Mar 28, 2013 at 4:54 PM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tvade3@gmail.com> wrote:The Alusi of the Cambridge Museum of Archeology and Anthropology
Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
I just returned from a brief visit to the Cambridge Museum of Archeology and Anthropology.
I was taking break from work and as I walked past the museum, noticing the compelling image of an exotic looking but brightly attractive artifact on the signboard, I said to myself 'Why not'?
Awesome experience. Pictures can never replicate such an experience.
Walking into a holy of holies peopled by ancient human creations.
The descriptions of the images attached to the displays is superb, informative, mellifluous.
I was struck to see a powerful Benin bronze bust labeled as 'Looted Art from Benin' or something along those lines, with a description of the object as looted when British soldiers raided Benin and took the bust from its shrine. I was struck by the honesty of the descendants of the looted object.
What is making me write this account is my encounter with two sculptures from Igboland, two images of alusi or spirits, a man and a woman.
They both radiate a sense of uncompromising power in the massive cubed forms of their thick necks, legs and middle, their compressed faces which are far from cheerful and suggest people with whom you must know your business when dealing with and who will not compromise unless in carefully circumscribed situations.
Their hands are fused to their bodies, their wrists and fingers seared to their waists, de-emphasising closeness to human form as they stand flanking each other in a stance that dominates the space they both occupy even though they are both not large figures and one can hold them in one's hand.
How did Achebe put it ? "A man runs from the persecution of his fellows to the grove of an alusi and cries "Save me o spirit! I will be your osu!"
These figures certainly suggest a power that could inspire such a declaration in their quietly but eloquently formidable stance reinforced by the blocks and sharp planes that constitute their forms.
'As the number of alusi grew and their rituals more elaborate,and in the light of the dangers of any mistakes in the rituals which could have serious negative consequences, it was required for an army of assistants to help the priests So, the osu class was formed' goes what is another account of the routes to being osu.
These figures certainly look as if you would not want to offend them by doing their rituals the wrong way.
An interesting coincidence that I am exploring the possibility of a modern Osu spirituality and the next day I go and see alusi statues without intending to. Threads of synchronicity, of intertwined volition shaping unanticipated events in space and time?
The concentrated power of the figures, in relation to my basic exposure to what they represent, led me to raise my hands in honorific salutation to them before I left the museum.
Can they accept osu/priest dedication even from within the glass of the display case of the Cambridge Museum of Anthology and Archeology? Will they accept me? Should one not know who is who and what is what before one dedicates oneself? These figures look as if one needs to know who and what they are before one starts a relationship with them.
thanks
toyin.....
On Thu, Mar 28, 2013 at 11:23 AM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tvade3@gmail.com> wrote:
Thanks Chidi.
These questions sum up the paradox, the pathos and the tragedy of the Osu problem in its intersection with the development of Igbo religious and general social culture.
I will be back as soon as possible to respond to your questions.
ToyinOn Thu, Mar 28, 2013 at 8:51 AM, Chidi Anthony Opara <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:"The broadly understood definition in Igbo history is that of a person
bonded to a deity and whose humanity is thereby compromised andunderstood as slaves of deity because they could not be free of their
contaminated, making them dangerous to relate with as part of normal
society and unfit for leadership within the larger society where they
were seen as inferior to the diala or freeborn Igbo. They were
denigrative social status transmitted across generations."
-------Toyin Adepoju.
Toyin,
Questions:
(1) Can servants of gods in Igboland be regarded as contaminated/
compromised humanity?
(2) Can Chukwu's(God's) representatives on earth; amadioha and others
condone being served by contaminated/compromised humanity?
(3)What are the manifestations of this Contamination(curse) in the
Igbo belief system?
(4) How are these manifestations handled?
(5) Are these manifestations part of the hallmarks of the Osu agbaras?
CAO.
On 27 Mar, 17:20, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tva...@gmail.com> wrote:
> *RESPOSTED WITH AN ADDITION*
>> *What is Osu?*
> Chidi,
>
> My broda,
>
> The evidence is clear from which ever angle-
>
>> the thorough "Appraising the Osu caste System in Igboland" * *by Francis
> The broadly understood definition in Igbo history is that of a person
> bonded to a deity and whose humanity is thereby compromised and
> contaminated, making them dangerous to relate with as part of normal
> society and unfit for leadership within the larger society where they were
> seen as inferior to the diala or freeborn Igbo. They were understood as
> slaves of deity beacuse they could not be free of their denigrative social
> status transmitted across generations.
>
> The correlation of priesthood and being osu as a counter to the slave
> notion does not work for the general understanding of osu in Igbo history.
>
> The osu performed rituals functions but still suffered the stigma of being
> seen as people performing those functions more as bonds people than as free
> people. A people negatively contaminated by the mode of their dedication
> to deity.
>
> It would be boring for me to start listing the summations supporting and
> developing this understanding and explanations of it by the classical
> authorities on Igbo culture- M. C. Echeruo, Elisabeth Isichei etc etc.
>
> Anyone who wants that can see the texts provided or linked so far, such as
> Onwubuariri who examines carefully the paradoxical integration of sacred> *What is the Revisionist Understanding of Osu? *
> dedication and service and denigration of their humanity that marks the
> dominant Igbo understanding of osu within verifiable Igbo history till
> date.
>
> Even Leith-Ross whom Nwakanma favors describes the deep scorn in which they
> were held as far as the 1930s when she did her research.
>
>> *What Way Forward?*
> The revisionist understanding of osu tries to reinterpret the osu
> phenomenon as having its origins in the positive sacralisation of the osu
> but as distorted into negative meanings through pressures from within and
> beyond Igbo culture.
>
> This revisionist understanding has some evidence to back it up and enjoys
> some support but is not widely accepted among Ndigbo.
>
> Everything on osu can be contained within these two summations.
>
> Everything written by you, Nwankanma, Victor Dike, M. O. Ene, Nwosu,
> Leith-Ross etc can belongs to one of these two categories or embraces both
> of them.
>
> I am pleased to examine any evidence contrary to this summation.
>
>> *Osu and Monasticism*
> One approach is to emphasize one of these definitions and work with them.
>
> I have described how people are doing this.
>
> I am interested in developing the second definition. I realise the evidence
> for it is not conclusive even though it is highly suggestive.
>
> It has potential, however, as an imaginative focus. Religions are often
> based on an imaginative focus, the validation of which is not based on
> correspondence to historical reality.
>
> I am in the process of constructing an Osu Spirituality and Osu Philosophy
> in the context of Osu Studies based on this understanding of the potential
> of the second, revisionary definition.
>
>> 1. *Volition*- monastic orders in the major monastic traditions represented
> Some investigators insist on the Osu system as being originally a monastic
> system.
>
> Some questions could be relevant in relation to this-
>
> by Christianity, Buddhism and the hermit communities of Hinduism are> 2.* Impact*- In the monastic and hermit traditions mentioned earlier, a
> constituted by people who enter purely through their own volition, with the
> exception of the old habit of choosing some Tibetan Buddhist leaders
> through selection in childhood.
>
> To what degree was the osu membership and purported monasticism understood
> to be voluntary?
>
> The question of volition is central beceause it bears centrally on
> motivation. Without the commitment that comes from freedom of choice, how
> will the monk take advantage of the social restrictions that shape their
> lives, taking these restrictions as opportunities for growth rather than
> impediments to a full social life?
>
> Does the mindset of osu in the past and present suggest such a sensitivity
> to the value of their social isolation as an opportunity for dedication to
> pursuits removed from immersion in society or has such a mindset been
> obliterated by the brutal discrimination they have suffered over the
> centuries?
>
> good number of the greatest achievements of the related religions> The Hindu hermits who composed the foundational Hindu work, the *Upanishads*,
> emerged from their monastic and hermit communities and were rightly
> recognised.
>
> Buddha's years in the forest, the monastic community he founded, the> Bodhidharma<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bodhidharma>in Zen Buddhism,
> monastic communities of the various Buddhist schools, from the Hinayana to
> the Mahayana, from Zen to Tibetan Buddhism and in the Christian tradition,
> names of great hermits or monks resonate as the core of the Buddhist and
> Christian achievement-
> Milarepa <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milarepa> in Tibetan Buddhism,
> Nagarjuna <http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nagarjuna/> in the Mahdyamika
> school; St. Antony of Egypt <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_the_Great>,
> foundational to the Christian hermit tradition, St. Francis of> Assisi<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi>and the
> Franciscans,Thomas
> Merton <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Merton>, the Trappist monk, all
> these and very many more are immortalized through texts and practices> Anokye<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Okomfo_Anokye>, the Shilluk have
> flowing from them.
>
> Is there any evidence in Igbo history of particular developments in
> spirituality emanating from a monastic or hermit class, particularly as
> represented by the osu?
>
> If such evidence existed, could it have been so thoroughly obliterated?
>
> Even in largely oral societies, great spiritual heroes have been
> remembered, to a degree. The Ashanti have Okomfo
> Nyikang<http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=c3qViJNsNRsC&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq...>,
> the Sonjo have Khambageu<http://www.mythologydictionary.com/khambageu-mythology.html>,
> the Benin have extensive oral histories describing spiritual heroes, the> toyin *
> Yoruba have people like Timehin, the man who is described as founding
> Osogbo after an encounter with the spirit of the Osun river, among other
> examples.
>
> If Ndigbo really had a monastic institution, are there any references in
> their traditions to the heroes of these institutions? Would all reference
> to them have been destroyed?
>
> These are suggestions of questions to ask in relation to claims about the
> osu as these claims relate to larger questions in Igbo history and culture.
>
> Even if no evidence or inconclusive evidence is found in the affirmative in
> relation to these questions, that might not invalidate the claims being
> made about the positive origins of the osu system. It might simply suggest
> the information is lost or diluted.
>
> thanks
> *
>
> On Wed, Mar 27, 2013 at 4:16 PM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tva...@gmail.com>wrote:
>> > *What is Osu?*
>
>
>
>
>
>
> > Chidi,
>
> > My broda,
>
> > The evidence is clear from which ever angle-
>
>> > as the thorough "Appraising the Osu caste System in Igboland" * *by
> > The broadly understood definition in Igbo history is that of a person
> > bonded to a deity and whose humanity is thereby compromised and
> > contaminated, making them dangerous to relate with as part of normal
> > society and unfit for leadership within the larger society where they were
> > seen as inferior to the diala or freeborn Igbo. They were understood as
> > slaves of deity beacuse they could not be free of their denigrative social
> > status transmitted across generations.
>
> > The correlation of priesthood and being osu as a counter to the slave
> > notion does not work for the general understanding of osu in Igbo history.
>
> > The osu performed rituals functions but still suffered the stigma of
> > being seen as people performing those functions more as bonds people than
> > as free people. A people negatively contaminated by the mode of their
> > dedication to deity.
>
> > It would be boring for me to start listing the summations supporting and
> > developing this understanding and explanations of it by the classical
> > authorities on Igbo culture- M. C. Echeruo, Elisabeth Isichei etc etc.
>
> > Anyone who wants that can see the texts provided or linked so far, such
> > Francis Onwubuariri who examines carefully the paradoxical integration of> > *What is the Revisionist Understanding of Osu? *
> > sacred dedication and service and denigration of their humanity that marks
> > the dominant Igbo understanding of osu within verifiable Igbo history till
> > date.
>
> > Even Leith-Ross whom Nwakanma favors describes the deep scorn in which
> > they were held as far as the 1930s when she did her research.
>
>> > *What Way Forward?*
> > The revisionist understanding of osu tries to reinterpret the osu
> > phenomenon as having its origins in the positive sacralisation of the osu
> > but as distorted into negative meanings through pressures from within and
> > beyond Igbo culture.
>
> > This revisionist understanding has some evidence to back it up and enjoys
> > some support but is not widely accepted among Ndigbo.
>
> > Everything on osu can be contained within these two summations.
>
> > Everything written by you, Nwankanma, Victor Dike, M. O. Ene, Nwosu,
> > Leith-Ross etc can belongs to one of these two categories or embraces both
> > of them.
>
>
> > One approach is to emphasize one of these definitions and work with
> > them.
>
> > I have described how people are doing this.
>
> > I am interested in developing the second definition. I realise the
> > evidence for it is not
>
> ...
>
> read more »
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"Exploring Every Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge"
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