Osu Spirituality, Osu Philosophy and Osu Studies
Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
The voice of the dispossessed cries out:
Redeem our vision. Walk our path. Testify of us. Carry our spirit.
From an unseen point in the remotest beyond in deep space, a light flashes forth.
It pieces downwards, through the spiral revolving in the centre of the Four, the timeless at the axis of the Beginning, to the North, the Denigration, to the East, the Restoration, to the West and the Culmination, to the South.
O Brethren, who come before and after, brethren who stand in this time, attend me.
Earth, Water, Air and Fire, attend me.
The eye that sees each thing as itself and yet all as one, inspire me.
The spirit of dedication to the regeneration of all, enflame me.
The fire of transformation of the self, invigorate me.
The light that ever burns, the flame of being in each and all, empower me.
May I not rest until all are awake to the meaning of the great journey.
Renewed is the fellowship of the dedicates.
Osu Spirituality : Inspirational Texts
1. Religious underpinnings of the Osu caste system
Okenwa R. Nwosu, M.D.
2.The Osu In Alaigbo
Obi Nwakanma
'...about the Osu - there were two phases: in the first phase,
The closest example of the function of the Osu in the traditional Igbo world is what monks do in Catholic church or the in Budhist temples. They chose a life of complete surrender to the deities.
3.Obi Nwakanma
to: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
date: Wed, Mar 20, 2013
The Osu is...actually traditionally a sacred being made into a living companion to the gods. The actual meaning of the Igbo word "Osu" is "Sacred to the gods" or "beloved of the gods" or "dedicated to the gods." Over the years, Christianity and other alien ideas desacralized the intent of the institution and made it antinomic. But the status of the "Osu" is sometimes entered voluntarily, particularly when the individual feels himself or herself no longer able to depend on the protection of the ordinary community; s/he hands the self to the gods for protection through servuice and eternal obligation. They become guardians of the altars and the sacred groves of the deities to which the pledge themselves; they take the oaths of perpetual allegiance; they live in ritual isolation; they grow their hair long as an act of self-mortification; they are also thus, in pledging themselves and being ritually dedicated to the altar and service of the gods and the shrines of the land down generations, they become "publicly protected citizens." No man could therefore, on pain of retribution, kill, draw blood, or cause an "Osu of the gods" to cry. The only barrier is in choosing that life, or being dedicated to that life as a pledge from their families to the gods, the Osu can no longer be expected to live a secular life; aspire to the titles of the land, or even participate in the commerce of daily enterprise. They are fully provisioned through the offerings brought to the altars by the communities; they are in charge of all the votary animals, and assist the high priests in the ritual process. In a society where meat was rather a luxury, the Osu had a constant supply through these sacrifices, of which they were the only ones permitted to partake of the animals offered to the gods. Usually in Communities that instituted the Osu system, the best and most fertile public land, often called "Ohia Agbara" are farmed by the Osu; they are given the best portion of the land because they are the human links to the gods. In the years of yore, an Osu may decide to "free himself" of his obligation, but it often required such an expensive ceremony in that halcyon past, that no Osu could afford to conduct the ceremony.
4. Remy Ilona
"Nevertheless, every now and again, one has a sense of an older culture lying behind what one sees, long forgotten by the people themselves, grown so faint that it is only in certain lights that one catches a glimpse of it, but the glimpse is of something so rich, so vital that the present sinks into insignificance beside it. I heard it twice in a woman's song, saw it once in a woman's dance, once in a ritual gesture of embrace, once in the shape and decoration of a water-pot, once in the mural decoration of a mbari house" (Mrs. Sylvia Leight-Ross on Igbo culture in African Women, 1939, p55).
ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything.
The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one's "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as 'geophysical landmarks' like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders.
Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.
An individual's fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one's "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one's domain is an assurance that one is likely to
obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual's obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one's cordial relationship with them.
Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family's ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.
Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature 'monasteries' were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities
are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated.
The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine
engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.
The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in nonhostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place.
Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal
6."Osu" was one of the "Holiest" names for God in Ancient Igbo. God was referred to, by some, as "Osu Ani", meaning, "The God of the Earth".
Kafomdi Anene
"Osu-Ana" or "God of the Earth"... Osu means God, and Nwosu is synonymous with NwaChukwu, and NwaAni, and NwaOsa, meaning "The child of God".
7.Notes on the Osu System among the Ibo of Owerri Province, NigeriaAuthor(s): S. Leith-RossSource: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Apr., 1937), pp.206-220Publishe
Only one, himself an Osu, made an
attempt to give a detailed history, of which the following is a resume
in his own words: 'In the days when Ci-ukuru (the Long Juju of AroI
fame) was acknowledged the supreme divinity of Ibo-land, the Aro
claimed superiority over the Ibo as being themselves the children of
Ci-ukuru. It was their prerogative to solemnize all sacrifices ordered
by their Mother Ci-ukuru, and to appropriate whatever articles were
offered her by her worshippers. In those days of constant feuds and
inter-tribal wars, it was the rule that a life should pay for a life and if
any difficulties arose in the way of killing a man to indemnify the one
who had been killed by the enemy, it was the custom to appeal to the
Long Juju for assistance. It happened once that a chief was killed
during a tribal war between two towns near Abaja (Umuduru), about
thirty miles from Owerri town. Several fruitless efforts were made to
avenge his death and, as a last resort, the Long Juju was consulted.
The Long Juju ordained the sacrifices which should be offered at the
grave of the dead chief in order to entrap the spirit of the enemy chief,but to render these sacrifices acceptable, they had to be made by an
Aro. In order to get round the difficulty of finding an Aro in such a
remote spot (there was actually a small Aro colony in the district but
it was settled in the very compound of the enemy chief so could not
be communicated with) to solemnize both this and subsequent sacrifices,
Ci-ukuru advised that a non-Aro should be "consecrated" as
" Osu " or "pro-Aro " and thus become eligible to offer such sacrifices.
Such a person should be a stranger to the town and, once consecrated,
should be given all the honour and privileges due to an Aro. On his
side, he should be worthy of reverence and lead a chaste and humble
life. He was to mediate between the people and the Long Juju through
her son, Otamiri, the principle god of the Owerri area.'
The name of the man chosen for this first consecration is not known
but shortly after, again on the advice of Ci-ukuru, one Agobie was
consecrated the first Osu at Mgwoma (off the Owerri-Aba road), where
to-day is found the largest community of Osu in the Owerri area.
Later still, other minor spirits followed the example set by Ci-ukuru
and asked for Osu to be consecrated to them. As a result, one Ehihe
was consecrated at Mgahiri, one Mbaleto at Ebu (three miles from
Owerri town), Nwaezeala at Owerri and Ewereke at Umuawka. These
Osu soon began to grow rich on the fruits of their office and thus freeborn
men began to volunteer to become Osu, a then enviable position.
One of these volunteers was Gbagwuruegbe, a free-born native of
Okwu-Oratta. His descendants now inhabit an important village of
Oratta and to-day number over 300. (This information was confirmed
from another source but my informant stated, I think erroneously,
that Gwagwuruegbe was ' the first of the line of Osu ' and became an
Osu voluntarily so as to have ' an extra share of meat '.)
The man bringing
the Osu stands behind him or her, and says: " I present to thee this
day a man (or woman) to be admitted to the order of the Osu according
to thy holy desire. Endue him (or her) plenteously with grace toserve thee as it pleases thee. May his service bring thee joy and a blessing
to my house. Increase the birth-rate of my house and the crops
of my farm. Spare my life and the lives of all my family. Bless this
thy servant (the Osu) and spare his life as I cannot afford to get
another. May he minister to thee as it pleases thee, and spare my
house to worship thee."
Again, in the words
of my Osu informant: ' An Osu was bound to live an upright, chaste,
and pious life, or his god would punish him. He could move about
freely and, as earthly representative of a god, it was sacrilege to illtreat
or molest him. He lived apart, not because he was an inferior
being, but because the people regarded him with awe and thought it
safer not to mingle with him and risk doing him some unintentional
injury which might bring down upon their heads the wrath of the
Osu's god.' For this same reason, 'they did not marry their children
to those of an Osu; and on the other hand, Osu parents who brought
up their children on the strict moral lines incumbent on them, pre-ferred them to marry other Osu children trained in the same way.
Thus the ever-widening gulf between Osu and non-Osu, especially as
regards marriage relations, was fixed. It was purely a question of
religious difference and not of inferiority.'
The head Osu was the senior of the Osu consecrated to any particular juju.
He stood in the relationship of father to a male Osu and to such female ones as he
did not wish to marry, and of a husband to other female ones. In olden days, the
Osu worked for the senior Osu, till the time came when they were made to work
for their purchasers.
7. Igwebuike interviewed Arazu, on the role of an Osu as he maintained that "an Osu is the living symbol of the invisible spirit when he is carrying the emblem (of the spirit or a god). Thee emblem carrier is seen as the most important person on such occasions, this is because, in the very blood of the Osu runs the potency of the spirit, hence, they are feared". According Igwuike the osu would make the best occultists and mystics thus he said: "if I were an Osu, I would go in completely for occultism and mysticism in order to develop the power inherent in a 'Kratophany' because the particular spirit which the Osu was dedicated is not the devil and is not one of the demons" (Interviewed in May 15, 1986).
The Alusi of the Cambridge Museum of Archeology and Anthropology
--
Compcros
-- From an unseen point in the remotest beyond in deep space, a light flashes forth.
It pieces downwards, through the spiral revolving in the centre of the Four, the timeless at the axis of the Beginning, to the North, the Denigration, to the East, the Restoration, to the West and the Culmination, to the South.
O Brethren, who come before and after, brethren who stand in this time, attend me.
Earth, Water, Air and Fire, attend me.
The eye that sees each thing as itself and yet all as one, inspire me.
The spirit of dedication to the regeneration of all, enflame me.
The fire of transformation of the self, invigorate me.
The light that ever burns, the flame of being in each and all, empower me.
May I not rest until all are awake to the meaning of the great journey.
Renewed is the fellowship of the dedicates.
Osu Spirituality : Inspirational Texts
1. Religious underpinnings of the Osu caste system
Okenwa R. Nwosu, M.D.
The indigenous religion is intricately interwoven with Igbo cultural practices to the extent that might be difficult for outsiders to fully appreciate. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or "Ala", which contains all physical creation and the spirit force that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the intercession of spirit forces or deities that are ultimately linked up to one's "chi" or spirit force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as geophysical landmarks like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains. They are also created out of notable ancestral spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. An individual's virtues or fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one's "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one's domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual's obligation to observe taboos and customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities thereby reduce their willingness to intercede on one's behalf. Deities are amenable to appeasement and supplications from humans in exchange for their goodwill and all the benefits that accrue from such cordial relationship.
Every homestead in indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family's ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were also village and town deities which became more powerful as their sphere of influence widened. There are still deities whose influence spans several communities due to the reputation or notoriety that they might have accumulated over the years. This category of powerful deities are almost like institutions unto themselves. They are usually attended to by a retinue of high priests and assistants who are engaged in serving the spiritual needs of seekers who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines. Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for establishment of permanent assistants for high priests of major shrines possibly in order to mitigate the shortage of their much-needed role. Miniature monasteries were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. The indigenous monks, upon mastering their spiritual functions, were called the "osus" of the deities they were deployed to serve. They resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes, excluded themselves from routine engagements with the greater society. Being agents that collaborated with deities, the osu maintained an aloof relationship with the mundane world and rest of the civil society.
The early osu ranks, in spite of their spiritual duties at the shrines, were non-celibate and thus had families with offspring that ultimately grew into sizeable communities that dwelt in close proximity of major shrines in parts of Igboland. The civil society maintained a set of taboos that regulated routine interactions between the osu and the general public mostly out of fear or respect for the powerful deities under whose aegis they thrived and performed their religious functions. Intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between osu and non-osu, for example. In some locales, it is forbidden for the non-osu to spill the blood of osu , even in non-hostile situations. Some go as far as forbidding the non-osu from eating meat that was butchered or prepared in an osu homestead. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the osu and non-osu grew and till date, varies from place to place. The usual sanction for breaching the osu taboo was to compel the offenders to involuntarily join the osu ranks. Even though the offenders did not physically relocate to cohabit with the osu , they were regarded and treated in similar fashion by the civil society. Until the arrival of colonial rule and Christianity, the dichotomous relationship that existed between osu and non-osu did not ruffle anyone's feathers because everyone virtually understood the basis for it. The minority osu population fulfilled their lives in playing their spiritual role in the society. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities they that served.
2.The Osu In Alaigbo
Obi Nwakanma
'...about the Osu - there were two phases: in the first phase,
the "Osu" was part of the complex priestly system to the Igbo ritual world. It is not easy to go into detail in a very short space, but the Igbo world was a highly spiritual system in which all the four elements in nature were recreated and symbolized: Ala (Earth) Ogwugwu/ Ime muru ochie/ Idemili (water) Agwu ( wind) Anyanwu (Fire).
....
The closest example of the function of the Osu in the traditional Igbo world is what monks do in Catholic church or the in Budhist temples. They chose a life of complete surrender to the deities.
Traditionally, they were regarded highly. In fact, the names, Osuji, Osuagwu,Osuala, Nwosu, etc; did not confer extraordinary negation; it was a declaration of piety. To this day, many Igbo bear these names, and they are not "osu" in the caste notion of the word. The writer's family name is Osuji, and they still are keepers of the shrine of Amadi-Oha; which means they are Diala; it should say something about the traditional meaning of "Osu.".
3.Obi Nwakanma
to: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
date: Wed, Mar 20, 2013
The Osu is...actually traditionally a sacred being made into a living companion to the gods. The actual meaning of the Igbo word "Osu" is "Sacred to the gods" or "beloved of the gods" or "dedicated to the gods." Over the years, Christianity and other alien ideas desacralized the intent of the institution and made it antinomic. But the status of the "Osu" is sometimes entered voluntarily, particularly when the individual feels himself or herself no longer able to depend on the protection of the ordinary community; s/he hands the self to the gods for protection through servuice and eternal obligation. They become guardians of the altars and the sacred groves of the deities to which the pledge themselves; they take the oaths of perpetual allegiance; they live in ritual isolation; they grow their hair long as an act of self-mortification; they are also thus, in pledging themselves and being ritually dedicated to the altar and service of the gods and the shrines of the land down generations, they become "publicly protected citizens." No man could therefore, on pain of retribution, kill, draw blood, or cause an "Osu of the gods" to cry. The only barrier is in choosing that life, or being dedicated to that life as a pledge from their families to the gods, the Osu can no longer be expected to live a secular life; aspire to the titles of the land, or even participate in the commerce of daily enterprise. They are fully provisioned through the offerings brought to the altars by the communities; they are in charge of all the votary animals, and assist the high priests in the ritual process. In a society where meat was rather a luxury, the Osu had a constant supply through these sacrifices, of which they were the only ones permitted to partake of the animals offered to the gods. Usually in Communities that instituted the Osu system, the best and most fertile public land, often called "Ohia Agbara" are farmed by the Osu; they are given the best portion of the land because they are the human links to the gods. In the years of yore, an Osu may decide to "free himself" of his obligation, but it often required such an expensive ceremony in that halcyon past, that no Osu could afford to conduct the ceremony.
4. Remy Ilona
Looking at the Apartheid in the Igbo Society through Scholarly Eyes.
"Nevertheless, every now and again, one has a sense of an older culture lying behind what one sees, long forgotten by the people themselves, grown so faint that it is only in certain lights that one catches a glimpse of it, but the glimpse is of something so rich, so vital that the present sinks into insignificance beside it. I heard it twice in a woman's song, saw it once in a woman's dance, once in a ritual gesture of embrace, once in the shape and decoration of a water-pot, once in the mural decoration of a mbari house" (Mrs. Sylvia Leight-Ross on Igbo culture in African Women, 1939, p55).
5. "The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent" by Victor E. Dike [2002]
ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything.
The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one's "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as 'geophysical landmarks' like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders.
Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.
An individual's fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one's "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one's domain is an assurance that one is likely to
obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual's obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one's cordial relationship with them.
Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family's ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.
Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature 'monasteries' were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities
are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated.
The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine
engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.
The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in nonhostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place.
Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal
6."Osu" was one of the "Holiest" names for God in Ancient Igbo. God was referred to, by some, as "Osu Ani", meaning, "The God of the Earth".
Kafomdi Anene
"Osu-Ana" or "God of the Earth"... Osu means God, and Nwosu is synonymous with NwaChukwu, and NwaAni, and NwaOsa, meaning "The child of God".
7.Notes on the Osu System among the Ibo of Owerri Province, NigeriaAuthor(s): S. Leith-RossSource: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Apr., 1937), pp.206-220Publishe
Only one, himself an Osu, made an
attempt to give a detailed history, of which the following is a resume
in his own words: 'In the days when Ci-ukuru (the Long Juju of AroI
fame) was acknowledged the supreme divinity of Ibo-land, the Aro
claimed superiority over the Ibo as being themselves the children of
Ci-ukuru. It was their prerogative to solemnize all sacrifices ordered
by their Mother Ci-ukuru, and to appropriate whatever articles were
offered her by her worshippers. In those days of constant feuds and
inter-tribal wars, it was the rule that a life should pay for a life and if
any difficulties arose in the way of killing a man to indemnify the one
who had been killed by the enemy, it was the custom to appeal to the
Long Juju for assistance. It happened once that a chief was killed
during a tribal war between two towns near Abaja (Umuduru), about
thirty miles from Owerri town. Several fruitless efforts were made to
avenge his death and, as a last resort, the Long Juju was consulted.
The Long Juju ordained the sacrifices which should be offered at the
grave of the dead chief in order to entrap the spirit of the enemy chief,but to render these sacrifices acceptable, they had to be made by an
Aro. In order to get round the difficulty of finding an Aro in such a
remote spot (there was actually a small Aro colony in the district but
it was settled in the very compound of the enemy chief so could not
be communicated with) to solemnize both this and subsequent sacrifices,
Ci-ukuru advised that a non-Aro should be "consecrated" as
" Osu " or "pro-Aro " and thus become eligible to offer such sacrifices.
Such a person should be a stranger to the town and, once consecrated,
should be given all the honour and privileges due to an Aro. On his
side, he should be worthy of reverence and lead a chaste and humble
life. He was to mediate between the people and the Long Juju through
her son, Otamiri, the principle god of the Owerri area.'
The name of the man chosen for this first consecration is not known
but shortly after, again on the advice of Ci-ukuru, one Agobie was
consecrated the first Osu at Mgwoma (off the Owerri-Aba road), where
to-day is found the largest community of Osu in the Owerri area.
Later still, other minor spirits followed the example set by Ci-ukuru
and asked for Osu to be consecrated to them. As a result, one Ehihe
was consecrated at Mgahiri, one Mbaleto at Ebu (three miles from
Owerri town), Nwaezeala at Owerri and Ewereke at Umuawka. These
Osu soon began to grow rich on the fruits of their office and thus freeborn
men began to volunteer to become Osu, a then enviable position.
One of these volunteers was Gbagwuruegbe, a free-born native of
Okwu-Oratta. His descendants now inhabit an important village of
Oratta and to-day number over 300. (This information was confirmed
from another source but my informant stated, I think erroneously,
that Gwagwuruegbe was ' the first of the line of Osu ' and became an
Osu voluntarily so as to have ' an extra share of meat '.)
The man bringing
the Osu stands behind him or her, and says: " I present to thee this
day a man (or woman) to be admitted to the order of the Osu according
to thy holy desire. Endue him (or her) plenteously with grace toserve thee as it pleases thee. May his service bring thee joy and a blessing
to my house. Increase the birth-rate of my house and the crops
of my farm. Spare my life and the lives of all my family. Bless this
thy servant (the Osu) and spare his life as I cannot afford to get
another. May he minister to thee as it pleases thee, and spare my
house to worship thee."
Again, in the words
of my Osu informant: ' An Osu was bound to live an upright, chaste,
and pious life, or his god would punish him. He could move about
freely and, as earthly representative of a god, it was sacrilege to illtreat
or molest him. He lived apart, not because he was an inferior
being, but because the people regarded him with awe and thought it
safer not to mingle with him and risk doing him some unintentional
injury which might bring down upon their heads the wrath of the
Osu's god.' For this same reason, 'they did not marry their children
to those of an Osu; and on the other hand, Osu parents who brought
up their children on the strict moral lines incumbent on them, pre-ferred them to marry other Osu children trained in the same way.
Thus the ever-widening gulf between Osu and non-Osu, especially as
regards marriage relations, was fixed. It was purely a question of
religious difference and not of inferiority.'
The head Osu was the senior of the Osu consecrated to any particular juju.
He stood in the relationship of father to a male Osu and to such female ones as he
did not wish to marry, and of a husband to other female ones. In olden days, the
Osu worked for the senior Osu, till the time came when they were made to work
for their purchasers.
7. Igwebuike interviewed Arazu, on the role of an Osu as he maintained that "an Osu is the living symbol of the invisible spirit when he is carrying the emblem (of the spirit or a god). Thee emblem carrier is seen as the most important person on such occasions, this is because, in the very blood of the Osu runs the potency of the spirit, hence, they are feared". According Igwuike the osu would make the best occultists and mystics thus he said: "if I were an Osu, I would go in completely for occultism and mysticism in order to develop the power inherent in a 'Kratophany' because the particular spirit which the Osu was dedicated is not the devil and is not one of the demons" (Interviewed in May 15, 1986).
The Alusi of the Cambridge Museum of Archeology and Anthropology
Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
What is at stake in the Osu concept was not so much the idea of being bonded to a deity. Spiritual disciplines often involve such bonds, including, I expect, that of the priest in Igbo society.
In fact, the process of induction or initiation into a spiritual discipline could be described as one of dedicating the initiate to a power larger than is conventionally accessible, that anchors or empowers that discipline.
That power is then expected to work in relation to that person even outside the context of their own conscious will. The drive generated by such a dedication could be so compelling that the individual could feel that they were a vehicle for a force they don't fully understand, they cant break away from or can break away from only with difficulty.
At the conclusion of his autobiography, the great occultist Aleister Crowley declares 'The word I uttered at my first initiation, 'Perdurabo' still echoes in eternity. I shall endure unto the end.'
The problem with the osu dedication was the way they were conceived of and treated by other Igbos. The routes that led to being osu that were not honourable also did not help. It seems the embattled person had a second chance at life in society but at a high price.
I see both the dedication of the osu to deity and their victimized status as having deep potential for spirituality.
The dedication itself implies a connection to the divine on behalf of the community. Their victimisation by that same community evokes the idea of sacrifice. The resonance of a Christ like image begins to emerge. The osu could be seen as embodying service to the community and their fate as demonstrating the limitations of perceptions that bedevil human communities. The osu becomes a 'wounded healer' to use the title of Henri Nouwen's book.
One can construct a meditation and a ritual to utilize these ideas. The esoteric order of the Golden Dawn used similar ideas in conflating Christ and Osiris. The immortal scenes in which the blind Neo surrenders himself to the Matrix in Matrix Revolutions tread similar lines.
It is possible to create an imaginative point of focus for these ideas, perhaps in terms of the persona of a sequence of osu figures, representing perhaps the first osu, representing the Beginning, the last osu at the end of time, representing the Culmination, and, in between, the osu who embodies the beginning of the Denigration, the period of victimization, and another who represents the Restoration, the period of return to or of claiming of the creative potential of osu, which is now understood as a concept anyone may identify with, not an ethnic centred caste system.
One could construct invocations meant to give voice to both the aspirations and the suffering of the osu across generations, inviting them to empower the devotee in their goal of self and social transformation through dedication to deity
One can even construct a body or college of osu who embody, in various ways, the qualities of being osu, and who watch over all osu and all beings from their place beyond space and time where they ascended to after death, and even create images and locations for them.
They can be depicted as guiding others on what is now known as the Osu Path, of dedication to deity as manifest in the various permutations of existence, from the elements manifest in the moisture in air to the fire in the sun and in electricity, possibilities beyond the dedication to powers manifest in the elemental natural forms understood as manifestations of the divine in classical Igbo society.
By the time one adds to this construct rituals, prayers and other practices from classical Igbo religion, the system is up and running.
The fictive character of the imaginative form serves to embody realities of history and to channel spiritual forces to the degree that such channeling is possible.
One will not need blind faith. All one needs is imaginative participation.
On Wed, Mar 27, 2013 at 1:45 PM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tvade3@gmail.com> wrote:
Rethinking the Osu Phenomenon
Between Historical Reconstruction and Creative Transformation
Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
Etymological and Semantic Rethinking of the Osu Concept
'The various sources you cited on this "Osu agbara" phenomenon, in my opinion, only point to the notion of the truth, not the truth. My problem with sources is that most are rehashes of personal opinions of the very influential few.I will like you to research the meaning of "Osu ji" for instance, a name/title given to male scions of prosperous yam farming families.'
The "Osu agbara" phenomenon is only an aspect of the "Osu" system in Igboland.
Chidi Anthony Opara
to: USA Africa Dialogue Series
date: Sun, Mar 24, 2013
Contrastive Perspectives
What I have found so far, in searching Google and the scholarly archive JSTOR indicate efforts by Chidi Anthony Opara, Obi Nwakanma in "The Osu In Alaigbo", Bless Ada Ogbodo,Chukwuka Omenigbo-Nwafor and Patrick Okwy Nwosu, the last three on the Facebook group 'Stop the Osu Caste System in Igboland' posts of 3 January 2012 to represent the idea of Osu in terms of the concepts 'Osu', "Osu agbara" or "Osu ji".
They either describe these terms as variations of the concept of Osu as sacred personages who enjoyed an elevated isolation in Igboland that was later distorted into making them pariahs or as indicating an " authority or [expertise] in a particular discipline or field of practice".
As far as I can see, these views do not seem to enjoy broad support but may be better appreciated as efforts at historical or ideologically centred reconstruction of the meaning of Osu.
These controversial character of this reconstruction is indicated by the following exchange in a thread which was initiated by Bless Ada Ogbodo, on 3 January 2012 on the Facebook group Stop the Odu Caste System in Igboland, by presenting these propositions:
"Do others agree with this meaning of the name: Nwosu - What is the meaning of the name "Nwosu"?
Nwa osu (nwosu).
Osu--authority
Nwa--Son.
Though osu means different things, but any one who is an authority in any field is an osu in that field. For example, if you are an authority in yam production, you are called Osu ji.'"
Patrick Okwy Nwosu responds that "In Aro kingdom Osu is known as people who are born to rule eg look at Osu-ji,is any body who excels in yam business. Another example is Nwosu,There is a town called Ujari in Arochukwu, Nwosu family have ruled the town for over 300 year and the kinship of that town is hereditary. Meaning that if you are not from Nwosu family you can never be an Eze in Ujari. So Osu are the people who are born to rule"It would be valuable to know the views of a cross section of scholars in Igbo linguistics on these etymological analyses.
Obichi Ikechi counters that "my brother there is more than one definition depending on what you are talking about. Just like 'akwa' can mean 'cry' or 'egg' depending on how you pronounce it. There is an "OSU caste System" which is what this group is against. And there is Nwosu, which has several meanings as you and others have explained. Mind you my surname is Nwosu too and my dad is an Eze of my community".
This exchange makes obvious the controversial character of the etymological route to rethinking the Osu system
Valoristic vs Denigrative Origins of the Osu Caste System : Controversies
Nwankanma in "The Osu In Alaigbo" and his comments on this and other groups equating the Osu with monastic orders,Okenwa R. Nwosu in "Religious Underpinnings of the Osu Caste System" and Chidi Anthony Opara in
"Sacred Persons Of South-Eastern Nigeria"present an unequivocal valoristic account of the origin of the Osu phenomenon.
Azuoma Anugom also [quoted below under 'sources"] describes this idea of the origin of Osu in a venerated sacred caste as plausible, citing his own investigations in Igboland with "elders of my town (these are real ndi-amala) as well as my late uncle (Nze Silvernus Nwakuna) who was a titled elder in my town--- being a member of the ozo initiates as well as Okonko cult as well as the Eze's cabinet".
This account of personal investigation from living authorities reinforces Leith-Ross' findings from three informants. These various sources reinforce the possibility that the Osu system had a valoristic origin. This possibility is strengthened by the symbolic value, both actual and potential, of the sacred activity the Osu were identified with and which some see them as embodying.
I wonder, though, if the weight of these sources is strong enough to take the theory of a valoristic origin beyond being more controversial than definitive.
Is it verified by the burden of the evidence available?
M. O. Ene" in "Rethinking the Osu Concept" underlines the controversial character of this valoristic narrative by deducing an interpretation of the term 'Osu' that suports the valoristic-Osu as monk view:
"To all intents and purposes, therefore, no one has accurately defined the term "osu," as was probably intended by those that conceived it. An apt English equivalent is "monk"; hence this working definition of Òsú: a celibate and/or chaste citizen who has dedicated his life to serving the Supreme Spirit through a dedicated deity; a devotee of deity; a gatekeeper of gods; simply said, a monk or a marabou[t].
How the monks of yore, who had dedicated their lives to communal deities and probably took the vow of celibacy -- if not chastity, ended up with a large community of osu-descendants is [a] matter worth discussing."
but concludes that "There are as many tales of osu origin as there are osu-descendants".
He boldly recategorises the vexed diala (freeborn) and (osu which some call cult slave) dichotomies in terms of 'osu (clergy)' ' and 'diala (laity)' , arguing that some people ' promoted the unnecessary discrimination' between descendants of these groups, passing on on 'their envy, hatred, and other negative feelings that propelled the status structure to its present obnoxious state'.
At the same time in the context of puzzling over of how the status of Osu moved from valorisation to denigration, he quotes the stories of ignominious routes of entry into being Osu, routes taken by people who chose the by then socially denigrative status of Osu for their own purposes.
Does this suggest that the Osu status is not purely that of a victim of an ancient conspiracy, as the valoristic school suggests? Perhaps after the institution became denigrative, even in that condition some people still found it useful to be Osu, seeing an escape from their challenges in the ironic protection/segregation they would then enjoy?
Ene's article is very rich in its scope of examination of the subject, including an account of Osu manipulating their stigmatised status for their own benefit.
Summation
The burden of evidence makes it clear that the origin of the Osu system is controversial. Some present it as positive in origin but was later distorted. Some focus on its negative interpretation as representing its totality.
I doubt if there will ever be any definitive conclusion as to the claim of the Osu system having a positive origin on account of the absence of conclusive historical records. . Its negative interpretation, however, is obvious to all and is very active in contemporary Igbo society.
Later, I could collate debates on this subject on various Igbo centred and other Nigerian online communities. These debates make clear the contours of the problem, its contemporary urgency as an insidious social challenge and the efforts some Ndigbo are making to address it, the obstacles in their way and the progress they have made.
I see the the most plausible efforts as both realistic in their interpretations and visionary in their goals.
Emphasizing the sources for a valoristic origin for the Osu phenomenon is helpful as a starting point for rethinking the subject and even for developing a counter ideology to the dominant one in Igbo discourse.
Would the development of such a counter ideology, however, be more likely to be taken seriously by Ndigbo as well as by others informed on the subject if the proponents of this view do not present it as incontrovertible historical fact because that approach might be less likely to gain traction?
Would presenting the idea of a valoristic origin for the Osu phenomenon as incontrovertible historical fact be unlikely likely to gain traction in a situation where the evidence remains so controversial?
Is the countervailing evidence of its negative interpretation in the centuries of Igbo history too strong for an unverified opposing view from the mists of oral history to gain much weight against a practice that Okenwa Nwosu describes thus in 2009?:
"In areas where the [Osu] observance is quire prevalent, the osu caste issue pervades the daily lives of millions of fellow Igbo in ways that no rational mind can ignore.
....
[ One] should... try to educate [oneself] on the issue and if possible, directly interact with those being stigmatized in order to get a better appreciation of what's really happening to their lives as seen from the victims' perspective. Who wears the shoe knows where it pinches, the saying goes.
.....
By the very subtle nature of its observance in contemporary society, final elimination of the osu phenomenon can only be accomplished if there is a concerted public effort to flush it out in the open and then put it to rest. Any other approach, in my judgment, is merely covering up the stinking mound of excrement with sand while we consume the mbe (termites) right next to it."
Osu Philosophy and Osu Studies
Various approaches exist at creating a counter ideology to the negative interpretation of the Osu phenomenon. These efforts can be seen representing an Osu Philosophy and the entire subject as suggesting the possibility of Osu Studies as enabling a matrix for the convergence of various strands of Igbo culture and history.
Some of these efforts may be seen as representing the development of an Osu Philosophy/ies on account of the rigour and scope of ideas they bring to bear on the subject.
Two Major Strands : Religious and Secular
There are two major strands within this philosophy.
These two are the religious and the secular.
Religious : Christian and Odinani
Of the religious approach, there are two major subdivisions.
Christian
One is based on Christianity and opposes the Christian understanding of the equality of all human beings under God to the subordination of the humanity of the Osu to that of the Diala, or so called freeborn Igbo.
Key figures who develop this idea are found in the Facebook group WAR AGAINST THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM.
Odinani
The second argues for the inherently creative character of classical Igbo religion, known to many as Odinani, and tries to use that creativity as its source for rethinking what it is to be Osu.
Two Major Pro-Odinani Strands : Centring in a Claim of a Glorious Origin or Transforming an
Unsavoury History from Within its Source
I have identified two major strands within this pro-Odinani view.
Centring in a Claim of a Glorious Origin
One strand describes classical Igbo religion as creating the Osu system as a positive phenomenon but this positive quality as being later distorted by inimical forces from within and beyond Igbo society. It insists on the unqualified positive character of Osu as the beginning and end of its approach to the subject. Within this group, I place Obi Nwankanma and Chidi Anthony Opara's efforts.
Transforming an Unsavoury History from Within its Source
Another strand emphasizes the culpability of Igbo classical religion as creating or enabling the negative interpretation of Osu but argues that within this religion are to be found the sources to counteract this negative interpretation. It argues that Igbo religion can be practiced in a manner that recognizes its positive points and limitations and moves beyond these limitations, one of these limitations being the Osu system.
Key figures who develop this idea are found in the Facebook group STOP THE OSU CASTE SYSTEM IN IGBOLAND.
These include Nu Eemah Hephzybah, Bless Ada Ogbodo, , Uchenna Emenike, Princess Royal Agwuna and Victor Akoko and others outside the group include M. O. Ene in "Rethinking the Osu caste System" and Okenwa Nwosu in "How Not to Stop the Osu Caste System",
Within this context, the Osu phenomenon is either described as something to eliminate or as an identity to embrace in a reinterpreted context, a context that reinterprets Osu sacred dedication as a holy consecration, their isolation as emphasizing their sacredness.
A central difference between the two pro-Odinani strands of thought working against the prevailing view of Osu is that the first one describes itself as recovering an essential and originary meaning overlaid by distortions while the second understands itself as creatively transforming a prevailing negative meaning into a positive one.
I could refine these summations later.
Secular
This represents efforts to bring the system to an end through the development of humanistic thought, as suggested by NwaMazi Onyemobi Desta Anyiwo on the Facebook group "Stop the Osu Caste System in Igboland" and the idea of using the social mechanisms and legal structures of society in bringing the system to an end. These suggestions of social restructuring include Okenwa Nwosu's "Osu Caste System : A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society", Victor Dike's "The Politics of Descent-Based Discrimination: Reflections on the Osu Caste System in Igboland and the Impacts of Globalization on Marginal Groups" and the contributions of Princess Royal Agwuna on the Facebook group "Stop the Osu Caste System in Igboland".
I will address later the idea of Osu in relation to slavery and the effort to describe Osu as equivalent to monasticism.
Sources on Osu Agbabra and Osu ji
1. Please note that there is no such word as OSU in Igbo language standing on its own. Where ever you see the word, it is an abreviation. The OSU which we are talking about here is the short form of OSU AGBARA(meaning the OSU of AGBARA), I would offcourse expect you to know the meaning of AGBARA, if you are Igbo.
For further enlightenment, I would like to inform you that if I am the first son of an EZE JI(King of Yam), it follows that I am an OSU JI (Prince of Yam)and if my father is also a DIBIA or EZE AGBARA/MMUO (Diviner), then I am also an OSU AGWU, etc.
Thank you so much for your time.
Chidi Anthony Opara
from : USA Africa Dialogue Series
subject : Re-Osu System(Attention: Asagwara Ken)
date:4/15/09
2. Sacred Persons Of South-Eastern Nigeria
Origin:
Before the advent of christianity which is presently the dominant religion in Igboland, the Igbos worshipped powerful deities like (1) Amadioha(god of thunder) (2) Ala(god of land) (3) Igwe(god of sky) and others. These deities were believed to carry supplications of worshippers to Chukwu(Supreme God). Most of these deities have troublesome and diificult to please dispositions. Situations arose in which it was difficult to clean the shrines of these deities and to carry materials for sacrifices to them. Most times, the priests and their servants while performing these tasks often ended up being killed or inflicted with deadly diseases for inadvertent infractions. It was then resolved that to contain this situation, some persons would be dedicated to these deities to be performing these inevitable tasks. The idea being that since these persons and their descendants would be seen by these deities as their property, they would be spared in the event of the usual inadvertent infractions. This idea when put into practice, worked.
The Osuagbara Institution:
The insitution of Osuagbara was regarded with great awe. The Osuagbaras like the sacred rams were avoided by other members of the society, because of the spirituality surrounding the institution. Osuagbaras for instance, must not be harmed, insulted/spoken to harshly, mistreated/maltreat ed and/or offended in any way. Doing any of these would definitely attract the wrath of these deities. For this and other related reasons, the Osuagbaras lived separately from the rest of the people. Noteworthy is the fact that any form of interactions with an Osuagbara made one automatically an Osuagbara. Noteworthy also is the fact that the induction of persons into the institution was both coercive and persuasive, depending on the situation.
Contemporary Practice:
The fact that there are very few adherents of traditional religion in Igboland presently have driven the institution into obsurity. The vestiges however, still exist in the minds of the people, since it is a known fact that beliefs take time to erase from the mind. Contemporary modes of social and other forms of interactions now makes it difficult to differentiate between Osuagbaras and non Osuagbaras. Descendants of both interact in all ramifications in the contemporary Igbo society.
Chidi Anthony Opara
4/10/09
WIEF FORUM ›
3. The OSU in Igboland bears similar meaning except when you attach the prefix or surfix that indicates what kind. Some servants or priests volunteer to serve or are called to serve by some deity. On the other hand, some run into service by the force of trying to avoid prosecution for some heinous crime. By that act of running in for protection, one becomes an OSU like the priest but for different reasons. Both the jailed criminal and the warden are in the prison system, but one can choose to leave while the other can not. One is being dissociated from society where as the other is not.
Emenike Nwankwo
WIEF FORUM ›
4. "I personally spoke with some of the elders of my town (these are real ndi-amala) as well as my late uncle (Nze Silvernus Nwakuna) who was a titled elder in my town--- being a member of the ozo initiates as well as Okonko cult as well as the Eze's cabinet---and what they/he shared with me tallies with the article below [Chidi's article "Sacred Persons Of South-Eastern Nigeria" on WIEF FORUM of 4/10/09 and reproduced above]
There are so many latter day explanations borne out of prejudices and biases. Some of the folks who wrote about this phenomenon claimed that the osus were those who committed heinous crimes or abominations and consequently were cursed or ostracized to penal servitude of the gods. None of the elders I spoke with corroborated this claim.
We know that in those days, some people whose lives may be endangered for one reason or the other, or those who feared kidnapping may run to the deities for protection--thereby becoming osu; but not all became a member of this caste via that route."
Azuoma Anugom on the WIEF FORUM on April 10, 2009
On Mon, Mar 25, 2013 at 10:06 AM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tvade3@gmail.com> wrote:
thanks.
Doing so now.
ToyinOn Sun, Mar 24, 2013 at 3:11 PM, Chidi Anthony Opara <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:
Toyin,
The various sources you cited on this "Osu agbara" phenomenon, in my
opinion, only point to the notion of the truth, not the truth. My
problem with sources is that most are rehashes of personal opinions of
the very influential few.
The "Osu agbara" phenomenon is only an aspect of the "Osu" system in
Igboland.
I will like you to research the meaning of "Osu ji" for instance, a
name/title given to male scions of prosperous yam farming families.
CAO.
> On Sat, Mar 23, 2013 at 5:45 PM, Olayinka Agbetuyi <yagbet...@hotmail.com>wrote:
On 23 Mar, 18:54, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tva...@gmail.com> wrote:
> Olatyinka,
>
> Forgive me but i think you need more infop on Osu.
>
> 1st- the core issue is mot ideology.
>
> The Osu are people socially brutalized by other Igbo people.
>
> Nwakanma falsely argues that this is due to a misunderstanding of what Osu
> is .
>
> His case has no backing in Igbo history and culture.
>
> Did you read the essay he recommended as backing his claim and which I
> forwarded?
>
> I suggest you at least read the essay recommended by him so we can move
> discuss on the same platform of information. That essay cant be described
> as an essay from Toyin that favors his own stand.
>
> Nwakanma extracts uncritically a marginal and conjectural pint in that
> essay and ignores the rest.
>
> I also suggest you read the Facebook posts I forwarded from the abolish Osu
> system groups.
>
> I also suggest you do at least a one page Google research on this.
>
> This issue is one of the deepest pain for many, an internal Igbo apartheid.
> Itregures to be taken very seriously.
>
> Toyin
>
>> > ------------------------------
>
>
>
>
>
>
> > I think we can all agree to disagree on the issue. it is how we present
> > our views that matter. You and nwakamma seem to be at daggers drawn; no
> > need for that. i have cursorily read the Igbo views on Osu you presented.
> > They are influenced by Christian theology and eschathology. While they
> > are anchored on monotheistic ethos, the views represented by Nwakamma, (and
> > CAO's poem) it would seem, are polytheistic. There is no reason to
> > privilege one over the other in a discourse as the norm, except, in the
> > Igbo case as Okigbo implied in an aspect of his poetry, the devastation
> > wrought in Igbo society by Christian ethics is far more thorough than in,
> > say, Yoruba society. That was why he had to go to the 'bridgehead' to see
> > beyond the views of the common folk.
>
> > We can all disagree my brother, but i dont see the need for you guys to
> > descend into a civil war over it.
>
> > Date: Fri, 22 Mar 2013 09:57:18 +0000> > From: tva...@gmail.com
>
> > Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Henry Louis Gates is Wrong about
> > African Involvement in the Slave Trade
> > To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com; yagbet...@hotmail.com
>> > On Fri, Mar 22, 2013 at 9:53 AM, OLUWATOYIN ADEPOJU <tva...@gmail.com>wrote:
> > Apologies, Olayinka.
>
> > I was not polite to you in the way I summed up your response.
>
> > I was agitated by the fact that you chose to ignore the scope of research
> > on the subject and chose to fixate on a view of a person whose very text he
> > claims supports his view actually debunks it.
>
> > Perhaps you have not had chance to read the essay recommended by Nwakanma
> > as well as anything else on the subject.
>
> > Thanks
> > Toyin
>
> > On Thu, Mar 21, 2013 at 11:53 PM, Olayinka Agbetuyi <yagbet...@hotmail.com>
> > Instead of jumping to decide who is or is not an expert, read the relevant
> > texts.
>
> > Nwakanma is engaged in a process of self delusion which informed people
> > and other Ndigbo see through straightway.
>
> > Nwakanma has chosen to isolate a marginal perspective that has little
> > resonance in collective Igbo cultural memory and Igbo social life anywhere
> > in the world as the reality of Osu.
>
> > The Osu phenomenon is too deep rooted in Igbo social identity to be a
> > Christian distortion.
>
> > My focus in my examination of Nwakanma's effort at fiction will not be to
> > prove him wrong, anybody who reads the very text he recommended and which I
> > attached to my last post as well as the other texts, can see that he is
> > engaged in a fictive exercise, but will focus on the implications of his
> > strategy, a strategy that other Ndigbo on this group, being people who
> > are subjected to or are witnesses to or are agents in the perpetuation of
> > the Osu phenomenon know is all smoke, but which they are keeping quiet
> > about out of ethnic loyalty, embarrassment or other forms of moral
> > escapism, and about which non-Ndigbo who care to educate themselves
> > will know better.
>
> > Anybody who is waiting for Igbos on this group to speak up in support of
> > Nwankama or in opposition to him might have a long time to wait. They know
> > his position is indefensible but wont want to be drawn into an argument
> > where they will either be seen to betray their ethnic brother in his
> > misguided effort to present one of the most heinous aspects of past and
> > present Igbo life in a whitewashed romantic sense at variance with Igbo
> > culture and history in all its human complexity or to enter into something
> > that they themselves are too embarrassed to discuss in the first place.
>
> > Thanks
> > Toyin
>
> > > wrote:> > ------------------------------
>
> > I think it is not fair to attack Adepoju's views as a deliberate attempt
> > to ridicule the Osu system. Such views are the result of decades of
> > misinformation and misrepresentation of what the Osu system is to outsiders
> > (including yours truly) and even uneducated igbos... For a long time i have
> > been a victim of the misrepresentation that compares the Osu system to the
> > Indian pariah system of the untouchables. The colonial mentality during
> > the period of the eradication of slavery must be in large part responsible
> > for this. The current state of knowledge shows that experts such as the
> > Nwakammas and Ogbunwezes still have much to do change the outsiders
> > perception of the system.
>
> > As for what current Osus say and how they see themselves, this may be the
> > result of new realities of modern societal expectations and mentality that
> > are incompatible with traditional roles.
>
> > Date: Thu, 21 Mar 2013 15:07:35 +0000
>
> > Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Henry Louis Gates is Wrong about
> > African Involvement in the Slave Trade
> > From: tva...@gmail.com
> > To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
>
> > *The Osu Phenomenon *
> > *
> > Denigrated Outcast or Venerated Isolate?> > *
> ...>
> > Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju
>
> > Thanks, Obi Nwakanma, for providing an opportunity for a comparative
> > study in the sociology of religion by presenting, for the second time in
> > my encounters with you in discussing this subject, your unequivocal
> > valorisation of the Osu phenomenon, and now, foregrounding that
> > valorisation in the stark manner of equating the characteristics of the
> > Osu phenomenon with those of Catholic monasticism.
>
> > Brother, I wont stoop to the tendency to invoke credentials of knowledge
> > where what is needed are authentication of claims.
>
> > The essay you recommend actually debunks your position.
>
> > The essay you suggested does not support your unequivocal valorisation of
> > Osu, and makes clear that your equating the institution with Catholic
> > monasticism is a distortion of the nature and history of that monasticism
> > in the name of uncritical parallels which can be easily shown to be
> > problematic, if not false.
>
> > You choose to isolate one account, and one of doubtful certainty from the
> > way it is described in the essay, of the origin and social
> > characterization of Osu and ignored all the other accounts in the same
> > essay and the careful contextualization of the subject provided by the
> > author.
>
> > That is not scholarship. It is at best a form of revision of evident
> > reality which anyone can easily puncture even by reading the essay you
> > recommend.
>
> > My immediate summation is that your unequivocal valorisation of the Osu
> > phenomenon is counter to Igbo history and culture and cannot be sustained.
>
> > Your uncritical effort to equate Catholic monasticism and the Osu
> > phenomenon suggest that you are engaged in a romanticisation of Osu that
> > suggests a need to better understand the character and role of Catholic
> > monasticism as one of the formative institutions of the Western cultural
> > tradition as well as to better understand Igbo cultural history.
>
> > Can you please tell us how you came by a conception of Osu that has little
> > relationship with Igbo culture and history as represented by the extensive
> > literature on the Osu phenomenon, both scholarly and general, along with
> > accounts by Osu themselves, such as the various groups on Facebook
> > directed at putting and end to the horrors resented by the Osu phenomenon?
>
> > What are your sources?
>
> > Are your sources based on personal encounters with Osu, experiences not
> > replicated by the broad stream of discourse on the subject?
>
> > What is your rationale for crediting this personal experience, if you have
> > such, as the norm?
>
> > Have you researched the phenomenon in its origins,development and
> > particular configurations in various Igbo communities?
>
> > Can you refer us to any texts that support your opinion on this subject?
>
> > Just refer us to any texts, then we can compare your sources with others
> > to see how representative your views are.
>
> > I would have liked to go into detail on this right now, since
> > deconstructing your strategy here will provide rich reflections in the
> > sociology of religion but I need to rush to something else right now.
>
> > I will return to this later to show how your correlation of Osu and
> > Catholic monasticism is facile, and in a fundamental sense, false, in
> > the way your frame it.
>
> > I will also show how your framing foregrounds questions about the
> > conditions for developing a spiritual tradition that energizes a
> > culture,conditions present in Catholic monasticism but seemingly suppressed
> > or absent in the social framing of the Osu institution.
>
> > I attach the essay you recommended along with others on Osu.
>
> > Meanwhile, anyone who is keen can do both a Facebook search for 'Osu, to
> > see the groups formed
>
>
> read more »
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CompcrosComparative Cognitive Processes and Systems"Exploring Every Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge"
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CompcrosComparative Cognitive Processes and Systems"Exploring Every Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge"
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Compcros
Comparative Cognitive Processes and Systems
"Exploring Every Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge"
You received this message because you are subscribed to the "USA-Africa Dialogue Series" moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin.
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