My family was baptized by the late Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, Nigeria's first Finance Minister, as member of the defunct National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons/Citizens (NCNC) at our Warri, Western Nigeria (now Delta state), constituency. As a young chap, my late father and members of his family campaigned, distributed flyers, et cetera, in support of the chief in our community. This was how I got introduced into politics by way of socialization. After the war, military interregna and so forth, my father returned to politics in the village as party chairman of the SDP and later PDP until he passed on.
I love politics and for my unflinching support of president Obama, I received a few "trophies" from him and his lovely wife (family) that are displayed in our home.
Gloria, I followed the 2000 presidential election and the rigging in Florida. I also voted in South Carolina. In that year, sarcastically, many Nigerian compatriots invited Americans to come to Nigeria to learn "the Art of rigging elections." I followed the 2016 election with greater trepidation and frustration than the 2000 election. Suffice it to say, however, that I started following American elections since the Nixon era as a political science major in college.
The peculiar reference to Nigeria and Venezuela in my piece "just for Saturday musing" was intended to bring to the fore the complexity of this matter—rigging of elections and its problematic attributes. In truth, the Occident is violating Article 2 (paragraphs 4 and 7) of the UN charter in Venezuela that forbids member states and the UN itself from interfering in the internal affairs of member states. Chapter VII of the charter is an escape clause that permits intervention to stop genocide, for example. Accordingly, should the Occident intervene?
Just for the record, I am not a member of any of the political parties at home. Nigeria will always be my "constituency" and concern. It was for this reason that I went to the meeting in Atlanta where Nigerians in the diaspora gave President Obasanjo splendid suggestions on how to solve our problems that fell on deaf ears.
I believe in the organic theory of the state—i.e., politicians (and I) are irrelevant vis-a-vis the state and community. In other words, the state and the community are relevant, or should I say more relevant than the wealth politicos amass and their dirty politics. We will all die, and the state and the community will be here after we are gone. What is pertinent to me, therefore, is what we do to make the state and community a little better than what they were when alive—ex., Zik, Awo, Kano...
This philosopher—based on the primacy of the society—informs my works on Nigeria and Africa. It was to this end that I wrote my open letter to President Buhari on this forum after the 2015 election. It was an appeal to him to challenge Nigerians at home and in the diaspora to assist him in tackling our problems. Moreover, the government has the templates to improve our politics and develop the country. We in the diaspora provided a model in Atlanta, and others have done the same elsewhere. We need leaders with the political will and spine to galvanize all Nigerians into action for the good of the motherland.
The struggle for free and fair elections in Nigeria must continue! We owe it to our children and our children's children.
Please see our "Nigeria in the Twenty-First Century: Strategies for Political Stability and Peaceful Coexistence."
Ike Udogu
On Mon, Mar 4, 2019 at 11:44 AM Abolaji Adekeye <blargeo.dekeye@gmail.com> wrote:
Farook, leader of Atiku's Ustashe is an object of derision on Social Media. Shamelessly partisan, he spews hate speeches garbed in highfalutin grammar while promoting fake news.Arrogant, graceless and utterly shameless he insults his betters but can't stand same from his equals on social media. He runs a block industry on Twitter and is notorious there on as a purveyor of fake news, an alarmist and an irredeemable house nigger.This pretend intellectual is actually a Taliban. He pretends to be a teacher but he is actually a student of terror, still learning and perfecting his art.Farook's relevance has expired. His choice of candidate was submitted by a popular Kimura, and the resultant tumor from that loss is proving to be malignant. Let's brace ourselves for more crooked essays from Caliban, bought and dictated by his tin gods.--On Sun, Mar 3, 2019, 19:22 Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com wrote:--I asked my 16-year-old grandson to read professor Farooq Kperogi's essay - This Is Rigocracy , Not Democracy - and to tell me his views about the contents. After reading it, he told me it was a proper eye-witness account of the 23 February 2019 Presidential and National Assembly Elections in Nigeria by the author of the essay. I burst into laughter and my grandson was curious to know why I was laughing. I told him that Farooq Kperogi is holed up in Atlanta, Georgia, USA where he is a professor in English and where he had to watch his steps not to stray into Ku Klux Klan traps. The boy charged back at me rhetorically, what of if he travelled to Nigeria during the election? I, therefore, urged him to read the essay together with me whereby we found no evidence that the essay of Farooq Kperogi on the Nigerian elections was written from his direct and personal observations in Nigeria. He wrote out of fiction and demanded that readers should take his fable as the truth. Farooq Kperogi has a great knack for serendipitous stories. I will prove this with examples from his latest fictional report on Nigeria's 23 February 2019 elections.
The last election was a sham and a shame. There is no question about that. The results INEC announced as the product of the Presidential and National Assembly election are in many cases, scandalously inconsistent with the figures officially declared at polling units.Given the development of technology for the election, you would think that arbitrary allocation of votes to candidates won't be a strategy of rigging. But it was - Farooq Kperogi. Why is Farooq so sure that the election is a sham and a shame when he was not in Nigeria to witness the election? On what fact does Farooq base his assertion that the results INEC announced as the product of Presidential and National Assembly elections were not the same as the ones declared at polling units? Farooq Kperogi has allowed prejudice to influence his judgment and did not care if truth suffered as a result. Every truthful person is aware that at each polling unit the agents of each participating political party (especially PDP and APC) in the election were present while the votes were being counted and they have to sign that the polling results were correct and true. Since party agents got original copies of the election results which they have signed as being correct and which were eventually announced at the central collation centre, there was no way INEC could alter the results on its own. That assertion is based on the fact that, at least, both the PDP and APC must have signed the original result sheets at the polling units of which they got their copies.
Farooq Kperogi reminded his readers of his forecast on 28 September 2018 thus, "All indices show that Buhari would lose the 2019 election if it's free and fair, but Buhari would rather die in power than hand over power to anyone …." It is striking that Farooq Kperogi did not mention which indices (not even one index) would make Buhari lose the 2019 election. He has calculated coldly that his readers would believe his stargazing prediction because he is not only a professor in English language but a (false) prophet and a fortune-teller. Farooq Kperogi seems to believe that promulgation of salacious rumour is a part of the job description of a professor in English language which was why he started already in 2018 to prejudge the 2019 election that it would be rigged and it would not be free, fair and credible. Consequent to the outcome of Osun gubernatorial election in 2018, Farooq Kperogi partly wrote about INEC Chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu thus, "Yakubu sees himself as an APC appointee who is beholden to the party. I have no confidence in his capacity to be fair in the 2019 presidential election. I hope he proves me wrong." Although Professor Kperogi is not the Chairman of INEC he had declared Buhari as the loser of the impending 2019 election through his working-to-the-answer fraudulent election result which he indirectly and shamelessly demanded that Mahmood Yakubu should confirm when he stated, "I hope he proves me wrong." Constitutionally it is the President who shall appoint INEC chairman and not a political party and if past INEC Chairmen were not PDP appointees, Mahmood Yakubu cannot and must be an APC appointee.
At the last minutes, however, votes from several states were arbitrarily inflated in favour of APC's Muhammadu Buhari, leading to a situation where there are now more votes cast in the election than there were accredited voters in the election - Farooq Kperogi. This is a highly flawed and juvenile way of reasoning by Professor Kperogi who, of course, is accustomed to underrating the intelligence of others. It is expected of a professor like him to show respect to his readers by stating the total number of accredited voters and the number of total votes cast. From who did Farooq get his figures for accredited voters and total votes cast?
…. as I pointed out in a previous column, that his blatant rigging would invite robust judicial challenge and that the overturning of his fraudulent victory would be a slam dunk in an independent, unpredictable Supreme Court. That was why he exploited CJN Walter Onnoghen's asset declaration infraction ….. to remove him and replace him with a pliant alternative from his geo-cultural backyard - Farooq Kperogi. As usual, Farooq Kperogi is drawing his strength here by parading fantasies and fallacies as facts. CJN Walter Onnoghen did not only admit to have failed to declare his assets when due but, when he later did, he consciously concealed huge amounts in naira and foreign currencies in various bank accounts in Nigeria from his declaration. He was exposed to have been running accounts that did not reflect what he was earning in salaries and allowances as a CJN. From this fact it is only an anti-human intellectual, whose expertise is fertilization of misery in Nigeria, that would reduce the heinous crime of CJN Walter Onnoghen to mere infraction that did not warrant a fire-brigade action from President Buhari to save the image of the judiciary. A well known fact is that all cases of false declaration of asset would, on appeals, finally end up in Supreme Court where CJN Onnoghen presides as the head. So, if he himself is involved in false declaration of assets, what kind of judgment would he deliver on false asset declarants brought before him? Farooq told a lie when he asserted that the CJN was removed when, in fact, he was only suspended pending the outcome of the crime he is being tried for.
Farooq Kperogi must either be ignorant of the election petition procedure in Nigeria or else he was deliberately being mischievous when he linked the suspension of CJN Onnoghen to the purported election rigging plan of Muhammadu Buhari. Election petition cases start at the election Petition Tribunal which subsequent decision is appealable to the Court of Appeal, and in turn its decision is appealable to the Supreme Court as the last instance. Is Farooq Kperogi suggesting that Election Tribunal and Appeal Court would certainly confirm INEC result but not Supreme Court headed by Walter Onnoghen? Has Farooq Kperogi an advance knowledge that CJN Walter Onnoghen would influence judgement in favour of PDP? In a five-man panel of election petition hearing at the Supreme Court, how could a CJN minority decision become a majority decision over four other Justices? If the acting CJN is pliant to Muhammadu Buhari, what would happen if other four Justices at the Supreme Court panel should decide to nullify the election of Buhari? Having declared CJN Onnoghen as the only guarantee for Atiku to overturn Buhari's victory, why is Farooq Kperogi counselling Atiku Abubakar to go to the Court to place their Nollywood produced video and films about rigged elections at the disposal of the Court from which Onnoghen has been suspended? Once, Farooq Kperogi just like Olusegun Obasanjo said a third force in politics should emerge to topple both Atiku and Buhari. His choice then was a retired Colonel Umar. Just like Obasanjo, Kperogi has now volte-faced completely to embrace Atiku Abubakar. The chicken, Farooq Kperogi, is out in the windstorm and every Nigerian can now freely spectate at his nakedness.S. Kadiri
Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Farooq A. Kperogi <farooqkperogi@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 2 mars 2019 14:45
Till: USAAfrica Dialogue
Ämne: USA Africa Dialogue Series - This is Rigocracy, Not DemocracySaturday, March 2, 2019
This is Rigocracy, Not Democracy
By Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
Twitter:@farooqkperogi
Critical scholars have characterized contemporary systems of government that claim to be democracies as mere "electocracies" because the vast majority of people actually don't vote, which denudes such systems of their claims to being governments by the "demo," that is, the people. Nigeria's situation is worse. It has institutionalized "rigocracy," that is, government by in-your-face rigging, not transparent elections, as its preferred system of government.
Although rigocracy has been institutional in Nigeria for a while, its brazen manifestation in the February 23 presidential and National Assembly elections, in spite of putative technological safeguards against it, should invite introspection from people who matter in Nigeria on whether it's wise to invest enormous resources, not to mention risk the needless deaths of scores of citizens, to organize periodic elections.
The last election was a sham and a shame. There is no question about that. The results INEC announced as the product of the presidential and National Assembly election are, in many cases, scandalously inconsistent with the figures officially declared at polling units. Given the deployment of technology for the election, you would think that arbitrary allocation of votes to candidates won't be a strategy of rigging. But it was.
At this point, we might as well have a fascistic monarchy with no elections at all instead of spending billions to organize sham elections that don't mean anything; that a bunch of mulish, nescient knuckleheads can overturn at will without consequences.
I am surprised that I am surprised by this. In several past columns and social media posts, I had cautioned against what I called "misplaced PVC optimism." In a September 28, 2018 post, for instance, I wrote: "Nigerians feel oddly empowered by the possession of their Permanent Voters Card (PVC). They think it's their bulwark against Buhari's continuing incompetence. I am sorry to be a party pooper, but the truth is that in Buhari's Nigeria, the PVC is worthless, as we've seen in most of the elections conducted while Buhari is president, the latest being the Osun State governorship election.
"All indices show that Buhari would lose the 2019 election if it's free and fair, but Buhari would rather die in power than hand over power to anyone… So your votes would be worthless in 2019." And that was precisely what happened: PVCs were worthless last Saturday.
In spite of propaganda to the contrary, last Saturday's election will go down in the annals as one of the bloodiest, most brazenly monetized, and most explicitly fraudulent presidential elections in Nigeria's entire history. Ballot boxes in polling units won by opposition candidates were seized, burned, or dumped in the sewers by APC-sponsored thugs in places like Lagos. Countless instances of massive thumb-printing of ballot papers in APC strongholds have been captured and shared on social media in the far North.
Nevertheless, in spite of the active state-aided voter suppression in PDP strongholds, murderous violence against PDP agents, ballot paper snatching, and sundry electoral malpractices, Atiku Abubakar still had a comfortable lead. Results that trickled in in real time showed that he won in southern and northcentral states with a wider margin than Buhari did his strongholds in 2015, and lost a majority of northwestern and northeastern states by a far narrower margin than Jonathan did his weak spots in 2015.At the last minutes, however, votes from several states were arbitrarily inflated in favor of APC's Muhammadu Buhari, leading to a situation where there are now more votes cast in the election than there were accredited voters in the election.
The title of my last column is, "Buhari, 'remote control' is worse than ballot snatching." "Remote control," remember, is Buhari's euphemism for changing results after the vote, which he confessed to have done in the Osun State governorship election. "I know how much trouble we had in the last election here," he said on January 27 during a campaign event in Osun State. " I know by remote control through so many sources how we managed to maintain the [APC] in power in this state."
Well, he and his henchmen did precisely that again in Saturday's presidential election. In the actual votes declared at polling units nationwide, which have been captured in real-time and stored in cloud-computing technology, Buhari lost the election. Troves of anecdotal evidence, including intercepted phone conversations and video recordings, have emerged to show that INEC officials fudged the figures in parts of the northwest, the northeast, the southeast and the south-south after the vote, to give Buhari a fraudulent lead.
This is in addition to massively brazen ballot snatching, ballot burning and outright, barbarous disenfranchisement in PDP strongholds in places like Lagos where, in spite of everything, Buhari only managed to squeak out a narrow "win."
The signs were always there that Buhari would not accept any result that does not declare him a winner, and I and other commentators have called attention to them. For instance, his refusal to sign the Electoral Bill, which would have frustrated the rigging his minions perpetrated in this election, was deliberate. One of the provisions of the bill was to make on-the-spot transmission of election results mandatory.
He also knew, as I pointed out in a previous column, that his blatant rigging would invite a robust judicial challenge, and that the overturning of his fraudulent victory would be a slam dunk in an independent, unpredictable Supreme Court. That was why he exploited CJN Walter Onnogen's asset declaration infraction, which most government officials, including Buhari himself, are guilty of to illegally remove him and replace him with a pliant, acquiescent alternative from his geo-cultural backyard.
This is not an election Atiku and other opposition politicians should accept. It was a brazenly disreputable daylight electoral heist, which has completely destroyed the last vestige of faith most Nigerians had in the integrity of the electoral process. Unfortunately, the judiciary is now so intimidated and so compromised that it's incapable of dispensing even a semblance of justice. Nevertheless, for the sake of history, I'd encourage Atiku to proceed to the courts to present evidentiary proofs of the enormous rigging the Buhari regime has perpetrated to perpetuate itself in power.
In all of this, the person I am concerned with the most is Professor Mahmood Yakubu, the INEC chairman. Even Maurice Iwu would be alarmed by the shameless sham Yakubu supervised and legitimized. As I've pointed out before, Yakubu is straight-up one of the smartest people I have ever related with. As a professional historian, and a top-rate one at that, I thought he would be self-conscious of the judgement of history. Apparently, he is not.
He will sadly go down in the records as the worst INEC chairman Nigeria has ever had. He frittered away billions to invest in technology to organize elections and ended up not using it to determine the outcome of the election. Well, at least Maurice Iwu can thank him for displacing him as Nigeria's most audacious election fixer in favor of a ruling party. That's such a sad end for such a brilliant man.
But he might be able to redeem himself someday by writing a manifesto of rigocracy. At least he would make an original contribution to knowledge from the vantage point of someone who supervised an unsophisticated rigocratic process. Such a manifesto would also help cure the illusion that Nigerians have elections.Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.Associate ProfessorJournalism & Emerging Media
School of Communication & MediaSocial Science BuildingRoom 5092 MD 2207402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, Georgia, USA 30144
Cell: (+1) 404-573-9697
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.comTwitter: @farooqkperogiAuthor of Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World
"The nice thing about pessimism is that you are constantly being either proven right or pleasantly surprised." G. F. Will
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