Anybody But Babangida (ABB)
Owei Lakemfa Oct 27, 2010
By Owei Lakemfa
I DO not belong to any political party or campaign organisation. But
I am not apolitical. I do not know who will be president after the
2011 elections, but I do know that Nigerians will be committing
political suicide if retired General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida were
allowed to return to power.
If his first eight years of misrule and gross abuse of power was a
farcical event in the innocence of time, his return to power under any
guise, including zoning will be quite tragic.
I believe that the most basic criteria for leadership include trust,
reliability, honesty, sincerity and humaness; none of these is part of
Babangida's strong points.
For the purposes of this write up, I will demonstrate how Babangida
through deceit and a streak of ruthlessness used just one of his
numerous decrees to wreck workers and the labour movement within his
first three years in power.
Sure, he was not responsible for the sorry state of workers before his
August 27, 1985 military coup. Indeed for four years before, there had
been a wage freeze. The return of the military to power from December
31, 1983 under the General Muhammadu Buhari regime merely worsened the
situation.
That nightmarish regime in which Babangida as Chief of Army Staff was
a key player, retrenched over one million workers across the country
and imposed a plethora of levies, including for 'Development'
'Survival' 'Recovery' and 'Education'.
The then military governors were simply on the rampage: Lt Colonel
David Alachenu Bonaventure Mark in Niger State imposed a five per cent
wage cut and by the time other levies were added, workers in the state
had one third of their wages deducted.
His Plateau State counterpart, Samuel Atukum was more humane as he cut
workers wages 'only' by 20 per cent. But by far the most bizarre was
Governor Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu who introduced the infamous "Imo
Formula" under which as part of levies, workers were forced to donate
blood.
When Babangida seized power, he said of the Buhari era: "Contrary to
expectations we have so far been subjected to a steady deterioration
in the general conditions of living and intolerable suffering by the
ordinary Nigerians has reached unprecedented heights".
The promise was that better days were here, but the reality was that
things were just about to get far worse. He promised consultations;
indeed his Labour Minister, Rear Admiral Patrick Koshoni instituted
a monthly dialogue with Labour to discuss labour matters.
This turned out to be a ruse. A few days after the 'consultative'
meeting in November 1985, the Head Of Service issued a circular
announcing wage cuts of between two and 15 per cent. This had not
been raised at the meeting and a shocked Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)
issued an ultimatum that the circular be withdrawn.
The Babangida regime pretended that it wanted dialogue; it sent a
negotiation team led by its Federal Director of Budget, Mr Omowale
Kuye to Congress. The NLC which thought that the new Head of State
could be trusted, relaxed. In any case, Labour had pointed out that
the circular contravened Section 5 of the Labour Decree which states
that an employer may make deductions from an employee's wages only
with the worker's consent.
To legalise his action and make the negotiations with NLC a nullity,
Babangida issued the National Economic Emergency Powers Decree 1985.
A furious NLC met Koshoni complaining that the decree was a betrayal
of the NLC- Federal Government agreement reached with the Kuye
delegation.
To this, the Minister retorted that the agreement was "a technical
input into a political decision". Which indicated that an agreement
with the regime was not worth the paper on which it was written.
One year later, Babangida amended the decree under a States (Special
Development Levies) Decree 1986 which empowered state military
governors "to levy and deduct monies from the salaries and earnings "
of public sector workers.
To worsen workers plight, his new Labour Minister, the same Brigadier
Nwachukwu of "Imo Formula" fame gazetted on December 23, 1986 an
Order that the 1981 Minimum Wage of N125 which was payable by
companies employing 50 or more workers , should now apply to only
employers with at least 500 workers. Only a handful of employers had
up to 500 employees.
So technically, the Babangida regime abolished the minimum wage! It
was only a concerted struggle that forced the regime to reverse the
order.
In June 1986 when Congress decided to protest against the murder of
four ABU students by his regime, Babangida ordered a clamp down on the
NLC and students nationwide.
When a year later the NLC demanded a wage increase, and began a
campaign against punishing increases in the prices of petroleum
products, Babangida rounded up labour leaders, including then NLC
president, Ali Chiroma; scribe, Lasisi Osunde and spokesperson,
Salisu Nuhu Mohammed and clamped them into detention without trial.
Then the regime encouraged a split in the NLC, and in February 1988,
under the guise that it wanted to heal the split, he decreed the ban
of the NLC using the same Economic Recovery Decree which was
originally meant for wage cuts. To further his mischief, the
self-styled 'Evil Genius' imposed an employer, Mr Michael Ogunkoya as
the Sole Administrator of the NLC.
After this conquest and seizure of Congress, Babangida's regime
demanded the death penalty for some NEPA (electricity) workers who
had dared to go on strike. Nowhere in the world, including under the
most evil dictator such as Augusto Pinochet, the human butcher in
Chile, did a workers strike carry the death penalty! Magnanimously, he
reduced this to life imprisonment for 11 of the NEPA men.
After much pressures, Babangida told an international delegation that
out of his large heartedness, he had decided to reduce the sentence to
10 years.
The men served time in Kaduna prisons.
I do not imagine that any of the presidential aspirants can be as
iniquitous as Babangida, hence my slogan: Anybody But Babangida!
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