Monday, February 28, 2011

USA Africa Dialogue Series - West Afric Bourse Shuts Down In Cote d'Ivoire, Reopens In Mali

West Africa bourse to reopen Tuesday in Mali

Mon Feb 28, 2011 10:14pm GMT
 
* BRVM closed in Ivory Coast after troops invaded office

* Trades in 40 companies from eight West African nations

ABIDJAN Feb 28 (Reuters) - West Africa's BRVM bourse .BRVMCI will reopen on Tuesday in the Malian capital Bamako, its website said, after it was forced close up in Ivory Coast due to intimidation by forces loyal to incumbent Laurent Gbabgo.

The bourse suspended operations in Ivory Coast from Feb. 15, a week after armed pro-Gbagbo paramilitaries invaded its office.

Shares in nearly 40 companies in eight countries, including Senegalese telecoms firm Sonatel SNTS.CI, Burkina Faso's main telecoms operator Onatel ONTBF.CI, and Unilever's Ivory Coast affiliate UNCL.CI are traded on the BRVM bourse.

"Resumption of listings (will be) from March 1, 2011," a statement on the stock market's website said.

The largest company is Sonatel, which on Monday reported results for 2010, with net profits slipping as competition and a temporary tax on incoming traffic hurt margins. [IDn:LDE71R1U6]

Gbagbo's finance minister sent in security forces earlier this month on hearing a rumour the bourse's management might try to relocate -- prompting them to do just that, once they had safely removed senior staff from Ivory Coast.

West Africa's central bank has cut Gbagbo off from state accounts, recognising his rival in a bitter post-poll power struggle, Alassane Ouattara as president. The entire international banking system has also shut down. (Reporting by Tim Cocks; Editing by Leslie Adler)

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Gbagbo's Militia Kidnapped Two UN Employees

2 UN employees kidnapped by dangerous Young Patriot militia in Ivory Coast

ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast (AP) 2 UN employees kidnapped by dangerous Young Patriot militia in Ivory Coast.

 
   Comment on this article 0
Published: February 28, 2011

ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast (AP) 2 UN employees kidnapped by dangerous Young Patriot militia in Ivory Coast.

USA Africa Dialogue Series - UN Experts Attacked By Gbagbo's Troops

Ivory Coast: UN experts attacked in Yamoussoukro

Supporters of Alassane Ouattara burn tyres in Abidjan. Photo: February 2011 Ivory Coast is at risk of relapsing into civil war, the UN says
 
United Nations experts in Ivory Coast came under fire as they were trying to investigate reports of a violation of the arms embargo imposed on the country, the global body says.

The UN team was attacked in the capital, Yamoussoukro.

they were looking into reports that Belarus had provided attack helicopters for supporters of Laurent Gbagbo, who refuses to give up the presidency.

Belarus has denied the allegations as "groundless".

The UN Sanctions Committee on Ivory Coast says it has not been able to positively confirm the shipment, though it said UN personnel should continue monitoring the situation.

A planned meeting of the UN Security Council to discuss the reports has been cancelled.

Meanwhile, Ivory Coast's former rebels say they are ready to take military action against Mr Gbagbo.

New Forces spokesman Cisee Sindou told the BBC that the group would act if fighting continued between Mr Gbagbo's supporters and those of his rival, Alassane Ouattara.

However, Mr Sindou said that no military operation was imminent.

Ivory Coast map

Mr Ouattara is widely seen as the winner of November's presidential poll.

Neither Mr Gbagbo nor Mr Ouattara have publicly commented on the rebel spokesman's warning.

Rebellion

Clashes between Mr Gbagbo's and Mr Ouattara's supporters has prompted the UN to warn the country is at risk of relapsing into civil war.

An armed rebellion in 2002 split the world's largest cocoa producer between the north, held by the New Forces, and the government-controlled south.

Much of the recent fighting has centred on the main city of Abidjan between rival supporters.

However, skirmishes in the west of the country last week between the former rebels and pro-Gbagbo forces has seen the number of civilians fleeing to neighbouring Liberia surge.

It was the first time the ceasefire between the two armed sides had been broken in six years.

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Jega's INEC Walk, Completed, Finished Or Completely Finished

http://burningpot.com/frontpage/2351-jegas-inec-walk-completed-finished-or-completely-finished


Jega's INEC Walk, Completed, Finished Or Completely Finished

E-mailPrintPDF
By Prince Charles Dickson
People say there is no difference between COMPLETE & FINISHED!!!
But there is a difference! An example: 
When you marry the right one, you are COMPLETE...
And when you marry the wrong one, you are FINISHED...
And when the right one catches you with the wrong one, you are...COMPLETELY FINISHED!

As I reflected upon the just concluded voters' register and its display and all the drama that has led up to the soon to hold April elections. I had to in the words of a senior friend Bashir Sani ...let my voice be heard. I do this discuss in the light of the following salient notes.

Only last week, Prof. Attahiru Jega requested the Senate to approve another N5 billion to enable his Commission laminate the voters' cards. This was coming barely three weeks after he made similar request of additional N6.6 billion for an extension of the voters' registration.

For a lot of us the N87Billion is already gone to the dryers, off course many would argue by all means necessary give us an election free and fair whatever the cost.

The same INEC has requested for N63.1 million and N77 million for refreshment and honorarium respectively during the 2011 fiscal year.

The commission would need another N450 million to cover donations and gifts to some agencies that already made presentations for sponsorship of capacity building workshops and seminars.

This was as he also said the commission would spend about N181 million on fuelling and lubricants in addition to another N45 million on generators and plant for the 2011 fiscal year.

Similarly, the commission was expected to spend N22 million on local training while N270 million was reserved for foreign training in addition to another N180 million on local travel just as it would need N135 million for foreign tours.

We are a nation that largely holds accountability in scorn and disdain. How has these billions been expended and who is auditing the ones yet to be spent and comparatively are we getting value for these monies.

For the Haeir laptops, for the substandard gadgets and corpers that INEC told us could not operate computers, how many billions went down that channel?

Most Nigerians had to help in their domain, provide fuel and 'I pass my neigbour generators' and food for the corpers, these excludes the many cartridges of printing ink that the citizens bought.

All is not well, and as we are wont to do, Nigerians, we just carry on. At this point I 'd like to note that this is not about Jega and how poorly he has performed but a warning, an alert that we get it right or we can just as well keep the pretence up.

Can someone tell me, or rather educate us, on the stolen DDC machines stolen before ad during the registration exercise, what is the status report/investigation/trial of those responsible?

After all the drama of the registration exercise, the Nigerian myth and factor, we gathered from the grapevine that we may still have to use a manual register for the election.

In co-relation to the National Population Figures and the absence of a certified and ratified counting through validation of finger prints, can we vouch that the figures are free from manipulations and indeed it is not a pre-rigging scheme, how about the underage and foreigners?

For all it is worth phrases such as "One man, one vote, my vote, my future, say No to rigging, etc" are they not just illusive catchy slogans?

We are not asking questions, we are still plagued with politicians that have not been tutored in the art and act of loosing, with over a 100 and several scores o litigations facing it and our docile National Assembly watching, who do we trust...Jega. Jonathan or our own INEC?

In our constant wayward manner we see a slick, rigging free, ballot snatching absent credible election, after all God is Nigerian, and although Obasanjo said even though Jesus cannot conduct a credible election in Nigeria, so why bother?

June 1992 was free, credible and not totally fair because plenty people were induced by Abiola salt and wrapper. The truth remains that we got that close without even a register both manual and electronic.

I ask a N10million 'who wants to be a millionaire' question, who is the chairman, woman or head of the US or UK electoral body, why is it that they do not go to the courts like us, just musing, what do they even call the name of the bodies, is it USNEC, or UKNECK?

Jega was never the answer because he was not the problem, though he must take the brunt of the failure. Its beyond Jega, it's about a system that is bankrupt, that needs a major surgery, an overhaul and a participatory political system that still lacks the basic knowledge of how to play democracy.

A system that celebrates Bode George, accords him and his cohorts a thanksgiving, give him a presidential pardon, a national award and an appointment for full effects.

The system that wears Aso ebi for such characters in one minute and ready to burn down his properties is not ready for its votes to count.

In Bashir Sani's words..."Witnesses to a marriage ceremony are asked to speak up if they know any reason that the ceremony should not take place. Similarly, witnesses to Nigeria's upcoming election ceremony are duty-bound to "speak up" or forever live with the calamity and shame of their silence" It is no secret that our upcoming national election process is flawed. 

There is no one man one vote system in place. Rather, it is one man many votes due to lack of oversight for voter registration. This will lead to calamitous results that we, who do not speak up, must forever have on our collective guilty conscience. I encourage you to bear witness to history by making your voice heard. Do not sit silently by while our elected officials come to office via a flawed, unfair process. 

Over many years of struggle, we asked for the majesty of Democracy. Today we must protect that hard won democracy by protesting the flawed voter registrations. Be a responsible witness to history not a helpless victim of history. Let your voice be heard." 

I end therefore, saying, some say we do not know what our problems are, others say we do not know what we want, where we want to be or should be. It's barely weeks to the elections, we better talk, act, for those in position to, let's ask questions, Nigerians speak or by May remain silent when it dawns on us and be under the continued bondage of a ruling, rigging cabal. Let's help Jega, help INEC, and help us to help Nigeria.



Prince Charles Dickson
Editor, burningpot.com

Nigeria's 1st Online Newspaper
Yours In High Regards
234-08033311301, 08057152301

Visit http://burningpot.com


What Exactly Is The Problem With Nigeria? We... Let's Work At Solving It

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: [Leonenet] Libyan Arabs Continue To Kill And Discriminate Against BlackAfrikans

Karmoh Fallay, I just received this reminder from a well learned Imam:

"Obviously, some of my Arab brothers haven't been keeping up on their reading..."O People! Your God is one; your father is one; no preference of an Arab neither over non-Arab nor of a non-Arab over an Arab or red over black or black over red except for the most righteous. Verily the most honored of you is the most righteous".




You hit the proverbial nail right on the head, Karmoh Boss Fallay. I don't like dictators; but it is imperative that there is uniformity in their treatment. We cannot cuddle Meles Zenawi and then undermine and vilify Robert Mugabe. We cannot cuddle royal families in Europe and the Middle East and then vilify Mubaraks. They should all go. And I just got off the phone with the White House registering my opposition to US arms being sent to Libyan Arabs to kill Black Afrikans.
 
 
----- Original Message -----
From: a
Sent: 2/28/2011 11:24:08 AM
Subject: Re: [Leonenet] Libyan Arabs Continue To Kill And Discriminate Against BlackAfrikans


AKB, I am just wondering why the West is so quick to support these protests targeting African Arabs or Egypt and the Maghreb area but tends to be quiet when it gets to other areas like Yemen and Qatar? As a result the latter protests tend to fizzle quickly; double standard or what? I mean I want Gadafi lynched but this pattern is a bit ..... 
 
Boss Fallay 


-----Original Message-----
From: Abdul Bangura <theai@earthlink.net>
To: USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com <USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com>
Cc: leonenet <leonenet@lists.umbc.edu>
Sent: Mon, Feb 28, 2011 6:57 am
Subject: [Leonenet] Libyan Arabs Continue To Kill And Discriminate Against Black Afrikans

Mwalimu Mosi and Baba Mzuri Fanusie, I have sent you the contact information of the Arab League Ambassador and the other major players via private E-mail. I have also found someone who has sent our message to the leaders of the protests. Please make sure to fax the letter to Hillary Clinton and Johnny Carson, since they are talking about providing arms to Arab Libyans. You can also include this latest Al Jazeera article below. The idea of "Black African mercenaries" is a stupid excuse concocted by Arab Libyans to kill Black Afrikans. They have been doing so even before their protests.
African migrants targeted in Libya
Rights groups fear dozens killed in violent backlash against supposed Gaddafi-hired mercenaries from sub-Saharan Africa.
Last Modified: 28 Feb 2011 08:05 GMT
 
As nations evacuate their citizens from the violence gripping Libya, many African migrant workers are targeted because they are suspected of being mercenaries hired by Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan leader.
Dozens of workers from sub-Saharan Africa are feared killed, and hundreds are in hiding, as angry mobs of anti-government protesters hunt down "black African mercenaries," according to witnesses.
About 90 Kenyans and another 64 citizens from South Sudan, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Zambia, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone and Burundi landed in Nairobi on Monday, according to officials.
"We were being attacked by local people who said that we were mercenaries killing people. Let me say that they did not want to see black people," Julius Kiluu, a 60-year-old building supervisor, told Reuters.
"Our camp was burnt down, and we were assisted by the Kenyan embassy and our company to get to the airport," he said.
Rights organisations say that thousands of workers are stranded in camps and private homes, protected by their colleagues as their governments fail to evacuate them from the chaos.
"But why is nobody concerned about the plight of sub-Saharan African migrants in Libya? As victims of racism and ruthless exploitation, they are Libya's most vulnerable immigrant population, and their home country governments do not give them any support," Hein de Haas, a senior fellow with the International Migration Institute, writes in his blog.
Al Jazeera's Nazenine Moshiri met Seidou Boubaker Jallou, a Malian citizen, who said he fled Libya after many black migrants came under attack.
"The most dangerous situation is for foreigners like us - and also us black people - because Gaddafi brought soldiers from Chad and Niger who reportedly killed Arabs," he said.
Experts say that Gaddafi has had a long relationship with African fighters who now came to his assistance.
Low-paid labourers
Hundreds of black immigrants from poor African countries, who mainly work in Libya's oil industry as cheap labourers, have also been injured in the violence. Some were unable to seek medical treatment for fear of being killed.
Saad Jabbar, deputy director of the North Africa Centre at Cambridge University, confirms Africans have become targets.
"I tell you, these people, because of their scheme, they will be slaughtered in Libya. There is so much anger there against those mercenaries, which suddenly sprung up," Jabbar said.
About 1.5m Sub-Saharan African migrants work in Libya as low-paid labourers in the oil industry, construction, agriculture and service sectors. 
Rights organisations say some anti-Gaddafi protesters wrongly associate African workers with state-sponsored violence.
"African immigrants are now linked to state-orchestrated violence and mass killings, and we may therefore fear the worst about the violent backlash that may follow particularly after Gaddafi is ousted," said Haas.
Ignored by their governments, African workers are one of the most vulnerable groups in Libya right now. Analysts say unless a preventative measure is taken, a massive bloodletting is feared.
"I think it is urgent to do something about it now, otherwise, a genocide against anyone who has black skin and who doesn't speak perfect Arabic is possible," said Jabbar.
Source:
Al Jazeera and agencies

-

RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - re libya and "black africans"

Most media  that I have followed report that Kaddafi was using African mercenaries against his own people to try to save his regime. “African mercenaries” may not mean dark-skinned mercenaries. There are light skinned people (albeit a minority) in Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso who may very well be recruited as mercenaries too. It must not be forgotten also that there are dark-skinned indigenous peoples in Libya and all over North Africa and the Middle East who have been long suffering victims of institutional and other racism.

The present citizens’ revolt in North African and Middle eastern countries is at the same time interesting, instructive, and very telling. Some of us have always known that human rights and economics thump religion and politics at the end of the day.

Is the said revolt some evidence that the universal and shared brotherhood/sisterhood of man and woman claimed in some religions is a farce and a ruse. Is religion an instrument of coercion and oppression in the countries?  

 

oa

 

From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of KwabbyG@aol.com
Sent: Sunday, February 27, 2011 6:50 AM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com; USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - re libya and "black africans"

 

Ken,

 

You wrote the following:

 

"black" becomes a synonym for sub-saharan africans,
as if the saharan formed a color line, which is doesn't in any single
north african country. it is a vision that divides africa along racial
lines that do not correspond to the actual populations of any single
african country, and especially to those of the sahel and north africa.
as a result day-to-day racism in a crisis morphs into deadly attacks on
people who might have had nothing to do with foreign mercenaries, who
indeed might have been libyan
, or just one of the thousands who worked
for libyans in oil fields and throughout the economy

 

Thanks for making this point. It is the sort of analysis that is woefully lacking in the current reporting by the Western media on the Libyan issue.

 

Kwabby

 

 

 

In a message dated 2/26/2011 6:18:29 P.M. Eastern Standard Time, harrow@msu.edu writes:

the following was reported today on al jazeera (which, i will remind
everyone, can be accessed on your computers quite simply at
http://english.aljazeera.net/)

"Anti-government protesters have attacked black Africans in
Libya, mistaking them for mercenaries.

"The situation is very dangerous. Every day there are more than a
hundred who die, every day there are shootings. The most dangerous
situation is for foreigners like us and also us black people. Because
Gaddafi brought soldiers from Chad from Niger. They are black and they
are killing Arabs," Seidou Boubaker Jallou told Al Jazeera.

Jallou and his friend, both from Mali, fled by night to the Tunisian
border. They said the roads out of the West are still in the hands of
those loyal to Gaddafi."


as i have been so well reminded--lest we forget-- "black africans"
attacking "arabs" is a formulation a little like that which pervaded the
reportage on Darfur. "black" becomes a synonym for sub-saharan africans,
as if the saharan formed a color line, which is doesn't in any single
north african country. it is a vision that divides africa along racial
lines that do not correspond to the actual populations of any single
african country, and especially to those of the sahel and north africa.
as a result day-to-day racism in a crisis morphs into deadly attacks on
people who might have had nothing to do with foreign mercenaries, who
indeed might have been libyan, or just one of the thousands who worked
for libyans in oil fields and throughout the economy.
perhaps some of you remember this parallel situation having developed on
the mauritanian-senegalese border in 1989, with lightish colored people
being identified with moors and attacked in senegal, and darkish colored
people being attacked as "africans" in mauretania and driven across the
border.

ken

--
kenneth w. harrow
distinguished professor of english
michigan state university
department of english
east lansing, mi 48824-1036
ph. 517 803 8839
harrow@msu.edu

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fwd: [edo-nationality] African Migrants attacked in Libya



---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: elombah daniel <elsdaniel@yahoo.com>
Date: 28 February 2011 19:27
Subject: [edo-nationality] African Migrants attacked in Libya
To: naijaintellects@googlegroups.com


 

protesters are said to be targeting sub-saharan Africans as dozens are now feared killed, while hundreds are in hiding in the oil rich country.

__._,_.___
Recent Activity:
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You can also get a free email service from http://www.edo-nation.net.
This is the first Nigerian website to offer free emails and the only still offering it free.


"Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it." - Frantz Fanon
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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fwd: Côte d'Ivoire: Human Rights Reports

i am forwarding this so abdul can take a break and ... do whatever he has to do on a break
ken

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Côte d'Ivoire: Human Rights Reports
Date: Mon, 28 Feb 2011 13:54:32 -0500
From: africafocus@igc.org
To: harrow@msu.edu


Côte d'Ivoire: Human Rights Reports  AfricaFocus Bulletin Feb 28, 2011 (110228) (Reposted from sources cited below)  Editor's Note   "The political stalemate resulting from the elections has been characterized by the use of excessive force by supporters of Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, including elements of the security forces loyal to him,  to repress public demonstrations, harassment and intimidation, incitement to ethnic and political violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, sexual violence, torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings." - Report by United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, February 2011 				 There may be many uncertainties about what the international community should be to avert the escalation of violence in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, as well as debate about the background causes and the wisdom of elections as means of resolving conflict in that country. But there can be no reasonable doubt that the balance of blame for human rights abuses lies with the forces of former President Laurent Gbagbo, who has refused to leave office after losing the second round of presidential elections in November 2010.  This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains one of the latest reports from Human Rights Watch, as well as the summary from the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. These reports, as well as reports from Amnesty International, also note some abuses committed by supporters of election victor Alassane  Ouattara, as well as in inter-communal clashes by supporters of both sides. But they attribute the majority of the violence to politically organized actions by state security forces and allied militia.  Additional reports on the human rights situation from Human Rights Watch, which follows the situation closely, can be found at http://www.hrw.org/africa/cote-divoire   Reports from Amnesty International are at http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/cote-divoire  Another AfricaFocus Bulletin released today, available on the web at http://www.africafocus.org/docs11/ci1102b.php), but not sent out by e-mail, contains an open letter from scholars on the crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, an article by Human Rights Watch South Africa director criticizing the role of South African diplomacy in undermining international pressure, and a wide range of annotated links to other sources on the election, different views of the crisis, and background analyses.  For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Côte d'Ivoire, as well as links to other background sources, visit http://www.africafocus.org/country/cotedivoire.php   For earlier background links, see particularly http://www.africafocus.org/docs03ej/ci0301b.php  For current news, see http://allafrica.com/cotedivoire/  +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++  For more frequent updates, including recent links on Libya, Equatorial Guinea, and Zimbabwe, visit AfricaFocus Facebook page at http://www.facebook.com/pages/AfricaFocus/101867576407 [click "like" to have the updates appear on your Facebook feed]  ++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note++++++++++++++++++++  Côte d'Ivoire: Strong AU Action Needed to Prevent Escalation Into Large-Scale Conflict  23 February 2011  Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC)  http://www.hrw.org  press release  Dakar -- The African Union delegation tasked with resolving the political crisis in Côte d'Ivoire should work to end gross violations of human rights by forces under the control of Laurent Gbagbo, Human Rights Watch said today.  The delegation left the country on February 23, 2011, with plans to issue their recommendations in the coming days.  Gbagbo has refused to cede power to Alassane Ouattara, whom international observers have certified as credibly having won the November 2010 presidential election. Gbagbo's forces have targeted real and perceived supporters of Ouattara, using excessive and often lethal force against largely peaceful demonstrators since early December, Human Rights Watch said.  Human Rights Watch has documented the killing by Gbagbo's security forces of at least 11 people since February 19, including demonstrators and passers-by, as well as the abduction and killing of wounded people taken from an Abidjan hospital, and intimidation, harassment, and abuse by armed militiamen. Killings of Gbabgo's forces in pro-Ouattara neighborhoods also have been reported in recent days. Human Rights Watch expressed grave concern that the conflict could escalate if a quick solution is not found.  "As the African Union panel met in Abidjan, the bloodshed continued," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch." These leaders need to step in to find a just and accountable way out of this stand-off before the violence gets any worse."  The African Union's (AU) Peace and Security Council asked five African presidents to work to break the deadlock. The presidents of South Africa, Chad, Mauritania and Tanzania arrived in Abidjan on February 21, while the fifth, from Burkina Faso, was prevented from participating in the talks because of threats from Gbagbo supporters. Victor Gbeho, the president of the Commission of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), expressed concern on February 23 that the AU panel went ahead with its Abidjan visit without the entire delegation. Political and youth leaders in Ouattara's coalition have made clear that demonstrations will continue if the AU panel decision does not result in Gbagbo stepping down.  In late January, an in-depth investigation by Human Rights Watch into violations in the commercial capital, Abidjan, revealed an often-organized campaign of violence by Gbagbo's security forces targeting members of Ouattara's political coalition, ethnic groups from northern Côte d'Ivoire, Muslims, and immigrants from neighboring West African countries.  Human Rights Watch research shows new violations in recent weeks, with reports of the security forces firing lethal weapons - including live ammunition, fragmentation grenades, and rocket-propelled grenades - into crowds of people who continue to call on Gbagbo to concede his loss to Ouattara.  In a particularly egregious case, security forces abducted perceived and actual Ouattara supporters from a hospital, where they were receiving treatment for bullet wounds. Family members later found the bodies of several of them in local morgues, witnesses told Human Rights Watch. At least one immigrant from Burkina Faso was slashed with a machete at a makeshift militia checkpoint in the Port Bou «t neighborhood.  Human Rights Watch is also concerned about the apparent killing of at least three members of pro-Gbagbo security forces. On February 8, three bodies with their throats slit were found in the streets of Abobo PK-18, an Abidjan neighborhood that is an Ouattara stronghold. Another body of a person dressed in military uniform who apparently had been killed in a similar fashion was found during the night of February 13. A local journalist, speaking to Human Rights Watch on the condition of anonymity, confirmed reports of the three Abobo killings and identified one of the deceased as Chief Dago Séri, who serves with Gbagbo's Republican Guard.  Other sources alleged that the attackers of the pro-Gbagbo officers were youth members of Ouattara's political coalition, the Rally of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP), and armed combatants from the Forces Nouvelles ("New Forces," or FN), the longtime rebel army previously under the control of the recently named prime minister for Ouattara, Guillaume Soro. Forces Nouvelles has controlled the northern half of the country since the 2002-2003 civil war.  General Staff Colonel Hilaire Babri Gohourou, spokesperson for the Security and Defense Forces (FDS) loyal to Gbagbo, acknowledged on the national television channel the death of three military personnel since February 7, two in Abobo and one in Duékoué in western Côte d'Ivoire.  Numerous Ivorians and Liberians, including former combatants, told Human Rights Watch that groups on both sides of the current divide have been recruiting young men and remobilizing others for use in a much-feared resumption of hostilities. Credible evidence indicates that Abidjan alone is teeming with hundreds of new recruits, including pro-Gbagbo militiamen being trained in the Yopougon, Abobo, and Port Bou «t neighborhoods. The Forces Nouvelles are also recruiting in Abidjan.  The conflict could easily spread to the surrounding region, as Human Rights Watch has documented continued recruitment in Liberia, including former fighters from the bloody Liberian civil war, by security forces loyal to Gbagbo.  Human Rights Watch has called on Gbagbo to make clear immediately that the continued use of violence by his forces against Ouattara supporters and others will not be tolerated. Gbagbo's incumbent government also needs to recognize people's rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly, Human Rights Watch said. And both sides should direct their armed forces to exercise maximum restraint. Human Rights Watch reminded armed groups that they could be held responsible for war crimes and any other grave violations of human rights if hostilities resume.  "To prevent a return to a civil war, cooler heads need to prevail on both sides of the divide," Bekele said. "At the very least, the visiting African Union delegation needs to call for an end to the current abuses and the incitement to violence by all sides."  Excessive Use of Force, Illegal Detention  On February 21 in the Koumassi neighborhood, three witnesses told Human Rights Watch that security forces fired at least two rocket-propelled grenades directly into a crowd of over 100 demonstrators, killing at least four and wounding several others. Several witnesses said that pro-Gbagbo security forces, including the Command Center for Operations and Security (CECOS), an elite gendarme unit, fired live rounds and tossed fragmentation grenades into the crowd.  One demonstrator said, "First they shot at us, and then they fired rockets directly into the crowd. I saw several dead, including one Malian man whose arm was completely severed. His intestines were completely outside his body."  In Treichville, around 9 a.m. the same day, troops from the Republican Guard, an elite unit closely linked to Gbagbo, arrived in a convoy of cargo trucks and opened fire on demonstrators congregated at the intersections of Avenue 16 and Rues 17 and 21. One witness told Human Rights Watch, "They came and opened fire with live ammunition immediately. A youth not far from me took a gunshot straight to his head; it was as if part of his face was blown off. He was one of at least two killed that I saw with my own eyes."  Human Rights Watch has also confirmed previous reports of at least 5 people killed when security forces opened fire in the neighborhood of Abobo on February 19 and 20.  Human Rights Watch called on security forces to comply with the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms, which state that, in dispersing assemblies, "law enforcement officials shall avoid the use of force or, where that is not practicable, shall restrict such force to the minimum extent necessary."  Firing live ammunition, fragmentation grenades, and rocket-propelled grenades into crowds and fleeing protestors clearly violates these requirements, and security forces that continue to engage in such behavior should be brought to account, Human Rights Watch said. Commanding officers, including the heads of the Republican Guard and CECOS - elite units that have been continuously implicated in grave human rights abuses during the post-election period - should likewise be put on notice for failing to take all measures in their power to prevent, suppress, or report such abuses, Human Rights Watch said.  More than 20 demonstrators were also arrested and detained on February 21. Human Rights Watch called on the security forces to release them immediately or bring charges against them.  Hospital Abductions  Around 10 a.m. on February 8, armed soldiers in green camouflage arrived in a convoy of military trucks and entered Houphou «t-Boigny hospital in Abobo neighborhood. At least 17 wounded people had been taken there after security forces opened fire on protesters the day before, killing several. Most of the 17 had gunshot wounds and were largely unable to move, witnesses told by Human Rights Watch.  One witness present at the hospital heard the military forces say, "You are all rebels - let's go, get in," as they forced an unknown number of the wounded into the trucks.  Family members immediately learned of the situation and visited military and police sites throughout the city trying to discover the whereabouts of their loved ones. One family member interviewed by Human Rights Watch found the body of her son at the Anyama morgue on February 11.  According to credible reports, two other family members found deceased victims at the Abidjan military hospital. The exact total of those abducted and the number of dead remain unknown.  Some protesters did appear to have engaged in aggressive behavior at the local police station on February 7, but the threats in no way justified extrajudicial killings, the excessive use of force, or arbitrary arrests, Human Rights Watch said.  "To abduct wounded persons during the light of day from a hospital, a place which should always be a refuge, demonstrates the brazenness and complete impunity with which Gbagbo's security forces are operating," Bekele said. "The wounded will now be terrified to seek treatment, further endangering lives during these difficult times."  Growing Recruitment, Concerns of Armed Conflict  Numerous Ivorian residents and Liberian former combatants interviewed by Human Rights Watch described recent waves of recruitment of youths to be deployed in the event hostilities resume between forces loyal to Gbagbo and those allied with the Forces Nouvelles. Ivorians from the Abidjan neighborhoods of Yopougon, Abobo, and Port Bou «t, as well as those who had visited the political capital, Youmoussoukro, and the far western town of Duékoué, where some of the fiercest fighting took place during the civil war, described seeing hundreds of young men in military training in schools, university housing units, and military camps. The training was usually being conducted by members of the Ivorian security forces.  Several residents from the Port Bou «t neighborhood described being regularly intimidated and harassed by a group of about 150 youths who form part of an armed militia based in a university dormitory there. They described how the youths, many armed with pistols, automatic weapons, and machetes, regularly harass, threaten, and at times attack members of the West African diaspora who live there.  One witness told Human Rights Watch, "I see them running through every morning and afternoon, guarded by a few with guns in front and behind." He had provided first aid to a neighbor from Burkina Faso who had been attacked and slashed with machetes by the group on February 19. The witness said the militiamen often threaten to attack and kill the residents there if Gbagbo is ever forced from office. Others said they complained to the police twice about the intimidation but were told, "This is a political matter; there is nothing we can do."  Several Liberians who had fought in Liberia's armed conflict, which ended in 2003, told Human Rights Watch they had been approached and asked if they wanted to fight alongside troops loyal to Gbagbo. The recruitment documented by Human Rights Watch took place in the Liberian cities of Monrovia, Zwedru, and Buchanan.  On the other side, pro-Ouattara militants are increasingly arming themselves and fighting back against security forces, particularly in Abobo. Credible reports also indicate that the Forces Nouvelles have re-integrated almost all soldiers that were previously demobilized. Research by Human Rights Watch has also shown that some Forces Nouvelles soldiers have engaged in intimidation and violence against Gbagbo supporters in the north, though not on the scale of the violence committed by pro-Gbagbo forces in Abidjan.  Commanding officers on both sides of the military divide need to ensure that they have effective command and control over their subordinates and should train them to adhere to the laws of war and international human rights standards, Human Rights Watch said.  ********************************************************  Draft: 15 February,2011  United Nations General Assembly  Human Rights Council  Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Côte d'Ivoire  [Summary only. For the full report, with extensive documentation, see the news story and link to the report at http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=37608]  Summary  1. This report is submitted pursuant to Resolution S-14/1 of the Human Rights Council (HRC) inviting the High Commissioner for Human Rights to submit a report on the abuses and violations of human rights in Côte d'Ivoire in relation to the conclusion of the 2010 presidential elections. The report covers events up to 31 January 2011.  2. The long-awaited presidential election in Côte d'Ivoire took place on 31 October and 28 November 2010 after having been postponed six times since 2005. While the first round was conducted on 31 October in a peaceful atmosphere and provided hope for the end of the long-running political and military crisis in the country, the run-off round held on 28 November was marred by a radicalization of political rhetoric and speech that progressively drove the country into turmoil with severe consequences for the overall human rights situation. Following the announcement of divergent results by the Independent Electoral Commission and the Constitutional Council, elected President Ouattara formed a government, while Mr. Gbagbo has tried to hang on to power and also appointed a "government" which is not recognized by the international community.   3. The imposition of a night-time curfew on the eve of the run-off round, attempts to prevent members of the dioula and baoulé ethnic communities from voting, significant irregularities and acts of intimidation witnessed in the Centre-North-East zone controlled by the Forces nouvelles,  the violent repression by law enforcement officers of a public demonstration organized by the Rassemblement des Houphouëtistes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (RHDP) on 16 December, 2010 and the subsequent RHDP call for civil disobedience on 18 January 2011, progressively contributed to the deterioration of the situation in the country. This unprecedented situation was exacerbated by the recruitment and use of youth groups, militias and alleged mercenaries which resulted in a number of serious human rights violations, some of which reportedly were ethnically and politically motivated and produced victims in both sides, but mainly among supporters of the RHDP.   4. The state-owned television corporation, the Radio Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI), has been disseminating xenophobic messages inciting hatred and violence, and promoting religious and ethnic division between the north and the south. The volatile political situation and worsening human rights situation led to the internal and cross-border displacement of thousands of Ivorians internally and in neighboring countries, and negatively impacted on the economic, social and cultural rights of the population.   5. The Gbagbo camp repeatedly obstructed UNOCI and impeded its freedom of movement, including attempts made by the Human Rights Division to investigate allegations about mass graves in Anyama (Abidjan), Lakota (near Divo) and Issia (near Daloa) and other serious human rights violations. These obstructions prevented UNOCI from fully discharging its protection of civilians mandate as prescribed under Security Council resolutions 1894 (2009) and 1933 (2010).   6. The deteriorating human rights situation in Côte d'Ivoire was strongly condemned by the UN Secretary-General and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The High Commissioner wrote individually to Mr. Laurent Gbagbo and three top Military Commanders to remind them of their obligation to protect civilians and of their personal accountability for human rights abuses and infringements of international humanitarian law committed by elements of the security forces placed under their command and control. Several UN experts and Special Procedures also mandate holders voiced their concern over gross human rights violations committed in the country.   7. With the political stalemate now going into the third month, the human rights situation in Côte d'Ivoire is becoming more precarious. Almost three hundred people have been confirmed killed since the beginning of the crisis and there are continuing reports of abductions, illegal detention and attacks against civilians. More than 35,000 people have been forced to flee their homes and seek refuge elsewhere, including in neighboring countries.  There are reports of thousands of youth being forcibly recruited and armed, presumably in preparation for violent conflict. The propagation of hatred and violence through the media remains a serious concern. Disruptions to the means of livelihood, including through the impact of the operation "ghost country" which calls for a nation-wide civil disobedience and work stoppage, have severely limited access to education and basic economic and social rights. Meanwhile, the obstruction of UNOCI has limited its ability to verify the full extent and scale of the human rights violations across the country.  ****************************************************************  Introduction   1. This report is submitted pursuant to resolution S-14/1 of the Human Rights Council (HRC) inviting the High Commissioner for Human Rights to submit a report on the abuses and violations of human rights in Côte d'Ivoire in relation to the conclusion of the 2010 presidential elections. The report covers the period up to 31 January 2011.    2. On 23 December 2011, the HRC held a Special Session during which it reviewed the human rights situation in Côte d'Ivoire following the proclamation of the results of the second round of the presidential elections on 28 November 2010. The political stalemate resulting from the elections has been characterized by the use of excessive force by supporters of Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, including elements of the security forces loyal to him,  to repress public demonstrations, harassment and intimidation, incitement to ethnic and political violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, sexual violence, torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings. Some acts of harassment, assault, destruction, of property and looting were reportedly committed by supporters of President Ouattara during and after the elections. Thousands of people were also forcefully displaced within the country inside Côte d'Ivoire and into neighboring countries. Despite repeated calls from the international community to allow free movements and access to civilians, the security forces and youth groups allied to Mr. Gbagbo obstructed the movement of the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI).  ...  *******************************************************  AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus Bulletin is edited by William Minter.  AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at africafocus@igc.org. Please write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin, or to suggest material for inclusion. For more information about reposted material, please contact directly the original source mentioned. For a full archive and other resources, see http://www.africafocus.org  **********************************************************            

RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - In Swift, Decisive Action, Security Council Imposes Tough Measures on Libyan

The U.N. and its Security council should be commended, given its slow standards, for acting relatively swiftly in imposing "tough measures on the Libyan regime"

It has not acted this swiftly in past similar situations. The hope is that the U.N. and its organs have finally become more alive to their responsibilities and shall henceforth act similarly in all future cases of denial of legitimate rights to peaceful protesters everywhere.

What's good for the goose is good for the gander.

 

oa

From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Yona Maro
Sent: Monday, February 28, 2011 4:30 AM
To: USAAfricaDialogue; wanabidii
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - In Swift, Decisive Action, Security Council Imposes Tough Measures on Libyan

 

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York

Security Council                                           

6491st Meeting* (PM)                                        

 

In Swift, Decisive Action, Security Council Imposes Tough Measures on Libyan

 

Regime, Adopting Resolution 1970 in Wake of Crackdown on Protesters

 

 

Situation Referred to International Criminal Court;

Secretary-General Expresses Hope Message 'Heard and Heeded' in Libya

 

Deploring what it called "the gross and systematic violation of human rights" in strife-torn Libya, the Security Council this evening demanded an end to the violence and decided to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court while imposing an arms embargo on the country and a travel ban and assets freeze on the family of Muammar Al-Qadhafi and certain Government officials.

 

Unanimously adopting resolution 1970 (2011) under Article 41 of the Charter's Chapter VII, the Council authorized all Member States to seize and dispose of military-related materiel banned by the text and adopt "all measures necessary" to secure the prompt and safe delivery of humanitarian assistance to those in need.

 

Through the text, the Council also decided to establish a new committee to monitor sanctions, to liaison with Member States on compliance and to respond to violations and to designate the individuals subject to the targeted measures.  Individuals and entities immediately subjected to the targeted sanctions were listed in an Annex to the resolution.

 

Regarding its referral of the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, the Council recognized that States not party to the Rome Statute that established the Court had no obligations to it, but urged all States and concerned organizations to cooperate fully with the Court's Prosecutor.

 

The Council affirmed it would keep the actions of the Libyan authorities under continuous review and would be prepared to strengthen, modify, suspend or lift the prescribed measures in light of compliance or non-compliance with the resolution. 

 

Following the adoption of the text, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the Council's "decisive" action.  "While it cannot, by itself, end the violence and the repression, it is a vital step — a clear expression of the will of a united community of nations," he said.

 

He expressed hope that the message that "gross violations of basic human rights will not be tolerated and that those responsible for grave crimes will be held accountable" would be "heard and heeded" by the Libyan regime and that it would bring hope and relief to those still at risk.  He looked for similar action from the General Assembly and the international community as a whole, and warned that even bolder steps might be necessary.

 

In their explanations of vote, Council members welcomed the unanimity of the action and expressed solidarity with the people of Libya, hoping that their "swift and decisive" intervention would help bring them relief.  Many expressed hope that the resolution was a strong step in affirming the responsibility of States to protect their people as well as the legitimate role of the Council to step in when they failed to meet that responsibility.

 

With the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, France's representative hoped the vote would open a new era in commitment to the protection of populations.  Further to that goal, Brazil's representative expressed strong reservations to the provision in the resolution allowing for exemptions from jurisdiction of nationals from non-States parties, saying those were not helpful to advance the cause of justice and accountability. 

 

Noting that five Council members were not parties to the Rome Statute that set up the International Criminal Court, including India, that country's representative said he would have preferred a "calibrated approach" to the issue.  However, he was convinced that the referral would help to bring about the end of violence and he heeded the call of the Secretary-General on the issue, while stressing the importance of the provisions in the resolution regarding non-States parties to the Statute. 

 

Some speakers, such as the representatives of Lebanon and the Russian Federation, stressed the importance of affirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Libya.  The Chinese representative said he had supported the resolution taking into account the special circumstances in Libya.

 

Speaking last, Libya's representative said that the Council's action represented moral support for his people and was a signal that an end must be put to the fascist regime in Tripoli.  He launched an appeal to all the officers of the Libyan armed forces to support their own people, and welcomed the referral to the International Criminal Court, as well as the decision not to impose sanctions on those who might abandon Mr. Al-Qadhafi in the end.

 

Also speaking this evening were the representatives of the United Kingdom, South Africa, Nigeria, United States, Colombia, Portugal, Germany, and Bosnia and Herzegovina and Gabon.

 

The meeting was opened at 8:10 p.m. and closed at 8:55 p.m.

 

Resolution

 

The full text of resolution 1970 (2011) reads as follows:

 

"The Security Council,

 

"Expressing grave concern at the situation in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and condemning the violence and use of force against civilians,

 

"Deploring the gross and systematic violation of human rights, including the repression of peaceful demonstrators, expressing deep concern at the deaths of civilians, and rejecting unequivocally the incitement to hostility and violence against the civilian population made from the highest level of the Libyan government,

 

"Welcoming the condemnation by the Arab League, the African Union, and the Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference of the serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law that are being committed in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,

 

"Taking note of the letter to the President of the Security Council from the Permanent Representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya dated 26 February 2011,

 

"Welcoming the Human Rights Council resolution A/HRC/S-15/2 of 25 February 2011, including the decision to urgently dispatch an independent international commission of inquiry to investigate all alleged violations of international human rights law in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, to establish the facts and circumstances of such violations and of the crimes perpetrated, and where possible identify those responsible,

 

"Considering that the widespread and systematic attacks currently taking place in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya against the civilian population may amount to crimes against humanity,

 

"Expressing concern at the plight of refugees forced to flee the violence in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,

 

"Expressing concern also at the reports of shortages of medical supplies to treat the wounded,

 

"Recalling the Libyan authorities' responsibility to protect its population,

 

"Underlining the need to respect the freedoms of peaceful assembly and of expression, including freedom of the media,

 

"Stressing the need to hold to account those responsible for attacks, including by forces under their control, on civilians,

 

"Recalling article 16 of the Rome Statute under which no investigation or prosecution may be commenced or proceeded with by the International Criminal Court for a period of 12 months after a Security Council request to that effect,

 

"Expressing concern for the safety of foreign nationals and their rights in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,

 

"Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

 

"Mindful of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security under the Charter of the United Nations,

 

"Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and taking measures under its Article 41,

 

"1.   Demands an immediate end to the violence and calls for steps to fulfil the legitimate demands of the population;

 

"2.   Urges the Libyan authorities to:

 

(a)   Act with the utmost restraint, respect human rights and international humanitarian law, and allow immediate access for international human rights monitors;

 

(b)   Ensure the safety of all foreign nationals and their assets and facilitate the departure of those wishing to leave the country;

 

(c)   Ensure the safe passage of humanitarian and medical supplies, and humanitarian agencies and workers, into the country; and

 

(d)   Immediately lift restrictions on all forms of media;

 

"3.   Requests all Member States, to the extent possible, to cooperate in the evacuation of those foreign nationals wishing to leave the country;

 

ICC referral

 

"4.   Decides to refer the situation in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya since 15 February 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court;

 

"5.   Decides that the Libyan authorities shall cooperate fully with and provide any necessary assistance to the Court and the Prosecutor pursuant to this resolution and, while recognizing that States not party to the Rome Statute have no obligation under the Statute, urges all States and concerned regional and other international organizations to cooperate fully with the Court and the Prosecutor;

 

"6.   Decides that nationals, current or former officials or personnel from a State outside the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya which is not a party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court shall be subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of that State for all alleged acts or omissions arising out of or related to operations in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya established or authorized by the Council, unless such exclusive jurisdiction has been expressly waived by the State;

 

"7.   Invites the Prosecutor to address the Security Council within two months of the adoption of this resolution and every six months thereafter on actions taken pursuant to this resolution;

 

"8.   Recognizes that none of the expenses incurred in connection with the referral, including expenses related to investigations or prosecutions in connection with that referral, shall be borne by the United Nations and that such costs shall be borne by the parties to the Rome Statute and those States that wish to contribute voluntarily;

 

Arms embargo

 

"9.   Decides that all Member States shall immediately take the necessary measures to prevent the direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, from or through their territories or by their nationals, or using their flag vessels or aircraft, of arms and related materiel of all types, including weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary equipment, and spare parts for the aforementioned, and technical assistance, training, financial or other assistance, related to military activities or the provision, maintenance or use of any arms and related materiel, including the provision of armed mercenary personnel whether or not originating in their territories, and decides further that this measure shall not apply to:

 

(a)   Supplies of non-lethal military equipment intended solely for humanitarian or protective use, and related technical assistance or training, as approved in advance by the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 24 below;

 

(b)   Protective clothing, including flak jackets and military helmets, temporarily exported to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya by United Nations personnel, representatives of the media and humanitarian and development works and associated personnel, for their personal use only; or

 

(c)   Other sales or supply of arms and related materiel, or provision of assistance or personnel, as approved in advance by the Committee;

 

"10.  Decides that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya shall cease the export of all arms and related materiel and that all Member States shall prohibit the procurement of such items from the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya by their nationals, or using their flagged vessels or aircraft, and whether or not originating in the territory of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya;

 

"11.  Calls upon all States, in particular States neighbouring the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, to inspect, in accordance with their national authorities and legislation and consistent with international law, in particular the law of the sea and relevant international civil aviation agreements, all cargo to and from the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, in their territory, including seaports and airports, if the State concerned has information that provides reasonable grounds to believe the cargo contains items the supply, sale, transfer, or export of which is prohibited by paragraphs 9 or 10 of this resolution for the purpose of ensuring strict implementation of those provisions;

 

"12.  Decides to authorize all Member States to, and that all Member States shall, upon discovery of items prohibited by paragraph 9 or 10 of this resolution, seize and dispose (such as through destruction, rendering inoperable, storage or transferring to a State other than the originating or destination States for disposal) items the supply, sale, transfer or export of which is prohibited by paragraph 9 or 10 of this resolution and decides further that all Member States shall cooperate in such efforts;

 

"13.  Requires any Member State when it undertakes an inspection pursuant to paragraph 11 above, to submit promptly an initial written report to the Committee containing, in particular, explanation of the grounds for the inspections, the results of such inspections, and whether or not cooperation was provided, and, if prohibited items for transfer are found, further requires such Member States to submit to the Committee, at a later stage, a subsequent written report containing relevant details on the inspection, seizure, and disposal, and relevant details of the transfer, including a description of the items, their origin and intended destination, if this information is not in the initial report;

 

"14.  Encourages Member States to take steps to strongly discourage their nationals from travelling to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to participate in activities on behalf of the Libyan authorities that could reasonably contribute to the violation of human rights;

 

Travel ban

 

"15.  Decides that all Member States shall take the necessary measures to prevent the entry into or transit through their territories of individuals listed in Annex I of this resolution or designated by the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 24 below, provided that nothing in this paragraph shall oblige a State to refuse its own nationals entry into its territory;

 

"16.  Decides that the measures imposed by paragraph 15 above shall not apply:

 

(a)   Where the Committee determines on a case-by-case basis that such travel is justified on the grounds of humanitarian need, including religious obligation;

 

(b)   Where entry or transit is necessary for the fulfilment of a judicial process;

 

(c)   Where the Committee determines on a case-by-case basis that an exemption would further the objectives of peace and national reconciliation in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and stability in the region; or

 

(d)   Where a State determines on a case-by-case basis that such entry or transit is required to advance peace and stability in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and the States subsequently notifies the Committee within forty-eight hours after making such a determination;

 

Asset freeze

 

"17.  Decides that all Member States shall freeze without delay all funds, other financial assets and economic resources which are on their territories, which are owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by the individuals or entities listed in Annex II of this resolution or designated by the Committee established pursuant to paragraph 24 below, or by individuals or entities acting on their behalf or at their direction, or by entities owned or controlled by them, and decides further that all Member States shall ensure that any funds, financial assets or economic resources are prevented from being made available by their nationals or by any individuals or entities within their territories, to or for the benefit of the individuals or entities listed in Annex II of this resolution or individuals designated by the Committee;

 

"18.  Expresses its intention to ensure that assets frozen pursuant to paragraph 17 shall at a later stage be made available to and for the benefit of the people of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya;

 

"19.  Decides that the measures imposed by paragraph 17 above do not apply to funds, other financial assets or economic resources that have been determined by relevant Member States:

 

(a)   To be necessary for basic expenses, including payment for foodstuffs, rent or mortgage, medicines and medical treatment, taxes, insurance premiums, and public utility charges or exclusively for payment of reasonable professional fees and reimbursement of incurred expenses associated with the provision of legal services in accordance with national laws, or fees or service charges, in accordance with national laws, for routine holding or maintenance of frozen funds, other financial assets and economic resources, after notification by the relevant State to the Committee of the intention to authorize, where appropriate, access to such funds, other financial assets or economic resources and in the absence of a negative decision by the Committee within five working days of such notification;

 

(b)   To be necessary for extraordinary expenses, provided that such determination has been notified by the relevant State or Member States to the Committee and has been approved by the Committee; or

 

(c)   To be the subject of a judicial, administrative or arbitral lien or judgment, in which case the funds, other financial assets and economic resources may be used to satisfy that lien or judgment provided that the lien or judgment was entered into prior to the date of the present resolution, is not for the benefit of a person or entity designated pursuant to paragraph 17 above, and has been notified by the relevant State or Member States to the Committee;

 

"20.  Decides that Member States may permit the addition to the accounts frozen pursuant to the provisions of paragraph 17 above of interests or other earnings due on those accounts or payments due under contracts, agreements or obligations that arose prior to the date on which those accounts became subject to the provisions of this resolution, provided that any such interest, other earnings and payments continue to be subject to these provisions and are frozen;

 

"21.  Decides that the measures in paragraph 17 above shall not prevent a designated person or entity from making payment due under a contract entered into prior to the listing of such a person or entity, provided that the relevant States have determined that the payment is not directly or indirectly received by a person or entity designated pursuant to paragraph 17 above, and after notification by the relevant States to the Committee of the intention to make or receive such payments or to authorize, where appropriate, the unfreezing of funds, other financial assets or economic resources for this purpose, 10 working days prior to such authorization;

 

Designation criteria

 

"22.  Decides that the measures contained in paragraphs 15 and 17 shall apply to the individuals and entities designated by the Committee, pursuant to paragraph 24 (b) and (c), respectively;

 

(a)   Involved in or complicit in ordering, controlling, or otherwise directing, the commission of serious human rights abuses against persons in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, including by being involved in or complicit in planning, commanding, ordering or conducting attacks, in violation of international law, including aerial bombardments, on civilian populations and facilities; or

 

(b)   Acting for or on behalf of or at the direction of individuals or entities identified in subparagraph (a).

 

"23.  Strongly encourages Member States to submit to the Committee names of individuals who meet the criteria set out in paragraph 22 above;

 

New Sanctions Committee

 

"24.  Decides to establish, in accordance with rule 28 of its provisional rules of procedure, a Committee of the Security Council consisting of all the members of the Council (herein "the Committee"), to undertake to following tasks:

 

(a)   To monitor implementation of the measures imposed in paragraphs 9, 10, 15, and 17;

 

(b)   To designate those individuals subject to the measures imposed by paragraphs 15 and to consider requests for exemptions in accordance with paragraph 16 above;

 

(c)   To designate those individuals subject to the measures imposed by paragraph 17 above and to consider requests for exemptions in accordance with paragraphs 19 and 20 above;

 

(d)   To establish such guidelines as may be necessary to facilitate the implementation of the measures imposed above;

 

(e)   To report within thirty days to the Security Council on its work for the first report and thereafter to report as deemed necessary by the Committee;

 

(f)   To encourage a dialogue between the Committee and interested Member States, in particular those in the region, including by inviting representatives of such States to meet with the Committee to discuss implementation of the measures;

 

(g)   To seek from all States whatever information it may consider useful regarding the actions taken by them to implement effectively the measures imposed above;

 

(h)   To examine and take appropriate action on information regarding alleged violations or non-compliance with the measures contained in this resolution;

 

"25.  Calls upon all Member States to report to the Committee within 120 days of the adoption of this resolution on the steps they have taken with a view to implementing effectively paragraphs 9, 10, 15 and 17 above;

 

Humanitarian assistance

 

"26.  Calls upon all Member States, working together and acting in cooperation with the Secretary General, to facilitate and support the return of humanitarian agencies and make available humanitarian and related assistance in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and requests the States concerned to keep the Security Council regularly informed on the progress of actions undertaken pursuant to this paragraph, and expresses its readiness to consider taking additional appropriate measures, as necessary, to achieve this;

 

Commitment to review

 

"27.  Affirms that it shall keep the Libyan authorities' actions under continuous review and that it shall be prepared to review the appropriateness of the measures contained in this resolution, including the strengthening, modification, suspension or lifting of the measures, as may be needed at any time in light of the Libyan authorities' compliance with relevant provisions of this resolution;

 

"28.  Decides to remain actively seized of the matter."

 

Annex I

 

Travel ban

 

1.    Al-Baghdadi, Dr Abdulqader Mohammed

Passport number: B010574. Date of birth: 01/07/1950.

Head of the Liaison Office of the Revolutionary Committees. Revolutionary Committees involved in violence against demonstrators.

 

2.    Dibri, Abdulqader Yusef

Date of birth: 1946. Place of birth: Houn, Libya.

Head of Muammar Qadhafi's personal security. Responsibility for regime security. History of directing violence against dissidents.

3.                Dorda, Abu Zayd Umar

 

Director, External Security Organisation. Regime loyalist. Head of external intelligence agency.

4.    Jabir, Major General Abu Bakr Yunis

Date of birth: 1952. Place of birth: Jalo, Libya.

Defence Minister. Overall responsibility for actions of armed forces.

 

5.    Matuq, Matuq Mohammed

Date of birth: 1956. Place of birth: Khoms.

Secretary for Utilities. Senior member of regime. Involvement with Revolutionary Committees. Past history of involvement in suppression of dissent and violence.

 

6.    Qadhaf Al-dam, Sayyid Mohammed

Date of birth: 1948. Place of birth: Sirte, Libya.

Cousin of Muammar Qadhafi. In the 1980s, Sayyid was involved in the dissident assassination campaign and allegedly responsible for several deaths in Europe. He is also thought to have been involved in arms procurement.

 

7.    Qadhafi, Aisha Muammar

Date of birth: 1978. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Daughter of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

8.    Qadhafi, Hannibal Muammar

Passport number: B/002210. Date of birth: 20/09/1975. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

9.    Qadhafi, Khamis Muammar

Date of birth: 1978. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime. Command of military units involved in repression of demonstrations.

 

10.   Qadhafi, Mohammed Muammar

Date of birth: 1970. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

11.   Qadhafi, Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar

Date of birth: 1942. Place of birth: Sirte, Libya.

Leader of the Revolution, Supreme Commander of Armed Forces. Responsibility for ordering repression of demonstrations, human rights abuses.

 

12.   Qadhafi, Mutassim

Date of birth: 1976. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

National Security Adviser. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

13.   Qadhafi, Saadi

Passport number: 014797. Date of birth: 25/05/1973. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Commander Special Forces. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime. Command of military units involved in repression of demonstrations.

 

14.   Qadhafi, Saif al-Arab

Date of birth: 1982. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

15.   Qadhafi, Saif al-Islam

Passport number: B014995. Date of birth: 25/06/1972. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Director, Qadhafi Foundation. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime. Inflammatory public statements encouraging violence against demonstrators.

 

16.   Al-Senussi, Colonel Abdullah

Date of birth: 1949. Place of birth: Sudan.

Director Military Intelligence. Military Intelligence involvement in suppression of demonstrations. Past history includes suspicion of involvement in Abu Selim prison massacre. Convicted in absentia for bombing of UTA flight. Brother-in-law of Muammar Qadhafi.

 

Annex II

 

Asset freeze

 

1.    Qadhafi, Aisha Muammar

Date of birth: 1978. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Daughter of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

2.    Qadhafi, Hannibal Muammar

Passport number: B/002210. Date of birth: 20/09/1975. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

3.    Qadhafi, Khamis Muammar

Date of birth: 1978. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime. Command of military units involved in repression of demonstrations.

 

4.    Qadhafi, Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar

Date of birth: 1942. Place of birth: Sirte, Libya.

Leader of the Revolution, Supreme Commander of Armed Forces. Responsibility for ordering repression of demonstrations, human rights abuses.

 

5.    Qadhafi, Mutassim

Date of birth: 1976. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

National Security Adviser. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime.

 

6.    Qadhafi, Saif al-Islam

Passport number: B014995. Date of birth: 25/06/1972. Place of birth: Tripoli, Libya.

Director, Qadhafi Foundation. Son of Muammar Qadhafi. Closeness of association with regime. Inflammatory public statements encouraging violence against demonstrators.

 

Statements

 

MARK LYALL GRANT (United Kingdom) welcomed the adoption, noting that his country was gravely concerned over the violence and had condemned the actions of the Libyan leadership.  The text, he said, was a powerful signal of the determination of the international community to stand with the Libyan people as they charted their future.

 

HARDEEP SINGH PURI ( India) hoped that calm and stability were restored without further violence and called for measures to ensure the safety of the Indian population in Libya, as well as those attempting to leave.  Noting that five Council members were not parties to the Rome Statute, including India, he said he would have preferred a "calibrated approach" to the issue.  However, he was convinced that the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court would help to bring about the end of violence, and he heeded the call of the Secretary-General on the issue.  He, therefore, had voted in favour of the resolution, while stressing the importance of its provisions regarding non-States parties to the Rome Statute.

 

BASO SANGQU (South Africa) said his country was deeply concerned about the situation in Libya.  The resolution adopted by the Security Council sent a clear and unambiguous message to Libya to stop the indiscriminate use of force in that country, and the measures it contained could contribute to the long-term objective of bringing peace and stability to the nation.

 

U. JOY OGWU (Nigeria) said that she was deeply concerned about the inflammatory rhetoric and loss of life occurring in Libya.  As many had been calling for swift action, it was fitting that the Council had taken decisive action today.  Nigeria supported the resolution and its "comprehensive" targeted sanctions.  It was convinced that the text would deter individuals from supporting the regime and would provide for the protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian and human rights law.  The delegation believed that the resolution would swiftly address the ongoing violence. 

 

SUSAN RICE ( United States) welcomed the fact that the Council had spoken with one voice this evening, in a clear warning to the Libyan Government that it must stop the killing.  Calling the text a strong resolution, she said that this was about people's ability to shape their own future.  Their rights were not negotiable and could not be denied. 

 

NAWAF SALAM (Lebanon), noting the denunciation by the League of Arab States of the crimes committed against Libyan civilians, said he concurred with its opinion, as well as its support for the right of Libyan citizens to express their opinion.  That was why he had voted in favour of the resolution.  He stressed the importance of reaffirming the territorial unity of Libya and expressed deep sorrow over the lives lost.

 

VITALY CHURKIN ( Russian Federation) said he supported the resolution because of his country's deep concern over the situation, its sorrow over the lives lost and its condemnation of the Libyan Government's actions.  He opposed counterproductive interventions, but he said that the purpose of the resolution was to end the violence and to preserve the united sovereign State of Libya with its territorial integrity.  Security for foreign citizens, including Russian citizens, must be ensured.

 

LI BAODONG ( China) said that China was very much concerned about the situation in Libya.  The greatest urgency was to cease the violence, to end the bloodshed and civilian casualties, and to resolve the crisis through peaceful means, such as dialogue.  The safety and interest of the foreign nationals in Libya must be assured.  Taking into account the special circumstances in Libya, the Chinese delegation had voted in favour of the resolution.

 

NÉSTOR OSORIO (Colombia) said the Colombian Government was pleased with the resolution, which had emerged as a result of a "timely process of consultation", in tune with the sense of urgency demanded by the international community.  The resolution sent the "direct and solid message" that the violence in Libya must cease and that those responsible for it must answer for their crimes.  Moreover, the decision to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court was an appropriate one.  Colombia clearly rejected the calls for violence from official sectors in Libya, and condemned the violation of basic rights and freedoms of that country's citizens, including the right to life and to peaceful assembly.  Colombia had co-sponsored yesterday's Human Rights Council resolution on the situation.  Libya must find a way to respond legitimately to its people's demands, and the international community must remain united to bring an end to the violence there.

 

JOSÉ FILIPE MORAES CABRAL (Portugal) welcomed the unanimous adoption of the resolution, which he said sent a clear, united message against the crimes being committed against civilians in Libya.  He expressed deep concern over the plight of refugees and other humanitarian issues, including the safety of foreigners.  Impunity would not be tolerated and serious crimes would be prosecuted.

 

GÉRARD ARAUD (France) welcomed the fact that the Council had unanimously answered yesterday's appeal by the Libyan representative.  The referral of the matter to the International Criminal Court might ensure that those responsible for the crimes were brought to justice.  The Court had once again showed the rationale for its existence.  The resolution recalled the accountability of each State for the protection of its population and the role of the international community when that responsibility was not met.  He hoped the vote would open a new era for the international community as a whole.

 

PETER WITTIG ( Germany) welcomed what he called the Council's swift, decisive, united and strong message that the violation of the rights of the Libyan people would not be tolerated.  The referral to the International Criminal Court demonstrated the determination not to allow impunity.  It should be clear to all that the Council would continue to follow the situation closely.

 

IVAN BARBALIĆ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) said that in the current situation time was of the essence, and that the Security Council had to react "unanimously and urgently" to end the violence and prevent further escalation of the situation in Libya.  His delegation had closely followed the popular movement in Libya, and was appalled at the "unacceptable level of violence" targeted at civilians there.  Bosnia and Herzegovina condemned in the strongest possible terms the violence and loss of life, and therefore fully supported the decision to refer those responsible to the International Criminal Court.  He called for an immediate stop to the violence.  Worried about the outflow of refugees and the high number of internally displaced persons there, he called on international organizations to provide humanitarian aid and services to those affected by the violence.

 

ALFRED ALEXIS MOUNGARA MOUSSOTSI (Gabon) said that the situation existing in Libya over the last two weeks required an answer and a "strong, clear message" from the Security Council.  Gabon had decided to add its voice to the resolution, not only to end the violence, but also to advise the Libyan regime of the consequences of its actions.  Gabon was also ready to support other measures that the Council might adopt in support of the Libyan people and their right to life and free speech.

 

MARIA LUIZA RIBEIRO VIOTTI ( Brazil) said that her delegation was deeply disturbed by the dramatic situation in Libya.  The measures adopted today were meant to halt the violence, ensure the protection of civilians and promote respect for international law.  The resolution was a "clear signal" of the Council's readiness to respond to the situation in a manner consistent with its responsibilities.  Brazil was a long-standing supporter of the integrity and universalization of the Rome Statute, and opposed the exemption from jurisdiction of nationals of those countries not parties to it.  Brazil, therefore, expressed its strong reservation to the resolution's operative paragraph 6, and reiterated its firm conviction that initiatives aimed at establishing those exemptions were not helpful to advance the cause of justice and accountability.

 

IBRAHIM DABBASHI ( Libya) expressed his condolences to the martyrs who had fallen under the repression of the Libyan regime, and thanked Council Members for their unanimous action, which represented moral support for his people, who were resisting the attacks.  The resolution would be a signal that an end must be put to the fascist regime in Tripoli. 

 

He launched an appeal to all the officers of the Libyan armed forces to support their own people and renounce their support for Muammar Al-Qadhafi, whom he called "criminal" and whom he said was prepared to go to extremes to keep up the repression.  He appealed also to the Libyan people to keep up their struggle to restore the State to the people.  He welcomed, in addition, the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court and the fact that sanctions were not being imposed on those who might abandon Mr. Al-Qadhafi in the end. 

 

BAN KI-MOON, United Nations Secretary-General, welcomed the resolution.  "While it cannot, by itself, end the violence and the repression, it is a vital step — a clear expression of the will of a united community of nations," he said.  Calling the events in Libya "clear-cut violations of all norms governing international behaviour and serious transgressions of international human rights and humanitarian law", he said it was of great importance that the Council was determined to reach consensus and uphold its responsibilities.

 

He hoped that the strong message that "gross violations of basic human rights will not be tolerated and that those responsible for grave crimes will be held accountable" would be heeded by the regime in Libya and that it would bring hope and relief to those still at risk.  The sanctions were a necessary step to speed the transition to a new system of governance that had the people's consent and participation. 

 

He pledged to monitor the situation closely and remain in touch with world and regional leaders to support swift and concrete action.  Expressing solidarity with the Libyan people in coping with the humanitarian impacts, he hoped that the new future for which they yearned would soon be theirs.  Commending the Council for its decisive action, he looked for similar determination from the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council.

 

"Today's measures are tough.  In the coming days even bolder action may be necessary," he said.

 

* *** *

 

__________

 

*     The 6490th Meeting was closed.

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