Thursday, January 31, 2019

USA Africa Dialogue Series - CJN Onnoghen

The Onnoghen Affair: Getting the Judiciary and the Bar to Work for Justice

 

Jibrin Ibrahim, Friday Column, Daily Trust, 1stFebruary 2019

 

The Onnoghen affair has posed a major question for Nigeria. Do the wheels of justice work when judges and senior members of the bar infringe our laws or are they above the law? The Court of Appeal has just confirmed that Mr. Walter Onnoghen is indeed properly charged with criminal activities and yet this man in his capacity as head of the judiciary was determined to tell the world that the law cannot apply to him. The judiciary advises citizens that it is wrong to evade court summons but that was exactly what he did when the bailiff turned up in his office. Judges warn Nigerians to stop wasting the time of courts and avoid the practice of shopping for judgements and that was exactly what he did sending SANs to numerous courts to make the argument that he is above the law. Mr. Onnoghen had himself delivered judgement that the Code of Conduct Tribunal is the correct place for public servants who have breached the law to be tried but after his confession that he had indeed broken the law, he became a turn coat and argued that they must not try him. Nigerians were forced to watch in disgust as the leader of the judiciary turned himself into an object of ridicule who thought he should be above the law.

 

As all these events unfolded, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) turned itself into an active lobby noisily making the case that the Chief Justice was above the law. It was the NBA that made the case in 2016 that judges charged with criminal offences must the suspended from office for the duration of their trial. It was common sense. When however, the CJN was affected, the new leadership of the Bar turned around and sought for thousands of technical reasons why the policy must no longer be operational because the person involved was the biggest man in the judiciary. They threw out the core principle of the rule of law, which stipulates that no one is above the law, because of the person involved was apparently their man. 

 

We must find out why the leadership of the NBA has been so determined to stop the wheels of justice and sought to protect one Nigerian citizen called Walter Onnoghen. As Femi Falana has rightly suggested, the reason might not be unconnected to partnership in crime. As he put it, a lot of our SANs know with precision the corrupt players in the judiciary after all it takes two to tango. In 2016, the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, had charged members of the Nigerian Bar Association to be more forthright in the struggle against corruption. He was right to make the point that: "Society is not served when prominent members of the bar not only take clearly tainted briefs, but even facilitate the commission of crimes by knowingly supplying the technical know-how and later, helping in the dispersal of the proceeds of crime."

 

Our Constitution has given the leadership of the Judiciary to the Chief Justice of Nigeria and the National Judicial Council and they have abdicated the leadership. So many judges and senior lawyers whose hands have been caught in the till have had very soft outcomes, usually released on technical grounds or simply retired so that they have time to fully enjoy the billions they have accumulated from bribes to pervert the course of justice. On a daily basis, judges from different courts of coordinate jurisdiction give contradictory judgments and both criminal and political actors have become very aware that there are Jankara judges ready to sell judgments and rulings for a fee without any worry about their personal or institutional reputation.

 

It was the famous British jurist, Lord Denning, who made the point that:

"A judge should in his own character be beyond reproach, or at any rate should have so disciplined himself that he is not himself a breaker of the law. Time and time again he has to pronounce judgment on those who have offended against the law. He has to rebuke the evil and support the good. He cannot well do this - he cannot without hypocrisy do it - if he himself has been found guilty of an offence against the law." 

Many of our judges have taken the decision that this core value does not apply tp them. The list of judges with vast sums of unexplained wealth has been growing and yet the judicial institution, which is self-governing, has refused to pose the required ethical questions and start the process of correcting itself. As Walter Onnoghen engaged in antics of avoiding prosecution and defending himself against the serious charges he faces, many senior lawyers were playing the ostrich. Thank God they are not all like that. One senior lawyer, Yemi Candide-Johnson (SAN) came out and told his colleagues stop "quibblingabout form. Averting their gaze from the frightening substance is a tactic of diversion. The substance is that the grievous wrongdoing on the seat of justice is a crisis of confidence which utterly undermines the rule of law and the Constitution." Yes indeed, a judge caught red-handed with millions of unexplained dollars cannot seek to evade trial while sitting in judgment over others.

 

Walter Onnoghen put Nigeria along the pathto constitutional crisis by seeking to act as if he was above the law and President Muhammadu Buhari worsened the situation by suspending him without the accord of the National Judicial Council and swearing in Justice Tanko Muhammad as his interim replacement without allowing the National Judicial Council and the Senate play their constitutional roles. The President was aware that he has no such powers, so he justified his action by claiming he was obeying a directive from the Code of Conduct Tribunal, before which Mr. Onnoghen is standing trial. The Tribunal, however, has no such powers so the two wrongs cannot make a right. The Constitution is clear that the powers of appointment and removal are shared powers which the President cannot exercise alone. It is also settled law that only the NJC is constitutionally vested with the authority of disciplinary control including that of suspension of an erring judicial officer. The removal of the CJN has created much concern with the way processes of court and law are flagrantly being abused.

Mr. Onneghen had himself presided over the establishment of the jurisprudence for suspension of all judicial officers charged for wrongdoing. He, therefore, had an absolute responsibility to step down immediately and allow the National Judicial Council deliberate and take a decision on the matter. Instead, he took the irresponsible action to stop the 88th statutory meeting of the National Judicial Council scheduled to hold on January 15, 2019, which could have deliberated on the matter and taken a proper decision based on the facts of the case and precedent. Now that the National Judicial Council has stepped into the matter and queried the Chief Justice and his deputy, we hope there would be a speedy return to constitutionalism requiring that the CJN has his day in court. The attempt by the discredited NBA for a so-called soft landing for Walter Onnoghen must be rejected – no one is above the law. It was good to see many lawyers ignore the two-day boycott of courts showing the grassroots lawyers are aware that their leaders are doing the wrong things.

Nigerians are seriously concerned about the entrenched culture of corruption and impunity in the country. Therefore, it beholds on the National Judicial Council to ensure justice is not just done but seen to be done in the CJN matter. More importantly, all the judges and senior lawyers notorious for bribe-taking must be investigated and prosecuted. Moving forward, Nigerian judges must begin to take decisive action to show that they are not self-serving in their actions. Our courts have been striking out cases filed against judges and the only subsequent action has been compulsory retirement of such judges by the NJC. This is not good enough. The principle of the rule of law is that it is not the person but the act that is important. If judges cheapen themselves by receiving bribes and selling jankara judgments, it is wrong to seek to protect them simply because they are judges. The reputational erosion of Nigerian judges has become so deep that radical action has been required to save the judiciary. The fight back mechanism by the judiciary to protect the corrupt within them is an unfolding tragedy that must stop. Corrupt judges have no integrity or reputation and must be treated as the criminals they have become. 

 


Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Developing the Database of Proverbs and Postproverbials

From: Remi Raji <remraj1@gmail.com>
Date: Thursday, January 31, 2019 at 5:53 PM
To: Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu>, Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu>
Subject: Developing the Database of Proverbs and Postproverbials

 

******

Friday, February 1, 2019

Launching the African Postproverbial Web Database Project – https://postproverbial.com

This is a database project devoted to the tradition of alternate proverb creation which has been defined as the practice of postproverbials. The web data records the production of radical sayings which exist side-by-side, or which collide with the use of traditional or conventional proverbs in contemporary African speech communities.

Basic Information

An entry contains at least a pair, of conventional and radical proverbs. The postproverbial may be more than one, with versions, so that an entry may contain two or more proverb statements. In some instances, each entry is supplemented by a short commentary to aid understanding and interpretation.

The entries are arranged under specific African language panels with translations into English. There is the possibility of interactive check using keywords (labels) that allow researchers find related postproverbial entries across languages.

Please access the website @ https://postproverbial.com

Contributions, suggestions and interests are welcome.

 Sincerely,

Aderemi Raji-Oyelade

Department of English

University of Ibadan

Ibadan, Nigeria

+2348088636663

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fw: Prof. Ayo Olukotun's Column




On Thu, 31 Jan 2019 at 15:59, Ayo Olukotun
<ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com> wrote:


----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Ayo Olukotun <ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com>
To: Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu>; Tunji Olaopa <tolaopa2003@gmail.com>; Toks X. <toksx@yahoo.com>; Niyi Akinnaso <niyi.tlc@gmail.com>; Olatunji Ayanlaja <t.ayanlaja@gmail.com>; Tade Aina <tadeakinaina@yahoo.com>; Ganiyu Go <dr_golat@yahoo.com>; Toks Olaoluwa <olaoluwatokunboh@gmail.com>; Ariyo Andrew Tobi <tobaaan@yahoo.co.uk>; Prof. Tonia Simbine <tsombe98@yahoo.com>; Anthony Asiwaju <tonyasiwaju@gmail.com>; Tunde Oseni <tundeoseni@gmail.com>; Richard A. Joseph <r-joseph@northwestern.edu>; Jide Owoeye <babsowoeye@gmail.com>; Bunmi Makinwa <bunmimakinwa@hotmail.com>; Prof Bayo Adekanye <profbayo_adekanye@yahoo.com>; Adigun Agbaje <adigunagbaje@yahoo.com>; Hafsat Abiola <hafsatabiola@hotmail.com>; Akinjide Osuntokun <josuntokun@yahoo.com>; Adebayo <adebayow@hotmail.com>; Willy Fawole <fawolew@yahoo.com>; Ayo Banjo <profayobanjo@yahoo.com>; Ashobanjo <ashobanjo@aol.com>; Attahiru Jega <attahirujega@yahoo.com>; Stella Olukotun <stelbeyke@yahoo.com>; Chief Femi Fani Kayode <ffk2011@aol.com>; Femi_Osofisan Osofisan <okinbalaunko@yahoo.com>; F&C Securities Limited <fc@hyperia.com>; Friday Okonofua <feokonofua@yahoo.co.uk>; Femi Otubanjo <femiotubanjo@gmail.com>; Prof Ogunmola Ogunmola <gbogunmola@gmail.com>; Remi Anifowose <francoremy@yahoo.com>; Mr Felix Adenaike <felixadenaike@yahoo.com>; David Atte <david_atte@yahoo.com>; Ayobami Salami <ayobasalami@yahoo.com>; Prof. Segun Awonusi <segunawo@yahoo.com>; Kayode Soremekun <paddykay2002@yahoo.com>; Prof. Hassan Saliu <hassansaliu2003@gmail.com>; Prof Eghosa E. OSAGHAE <osaghaeeghosa@yahoo.co.uk>; Prof Osinbajo <yemiosinbajo@yahoo.com>; Prof. Lere Amusan <lereamusan@gmail.com>; Paul Nwulu <p.nwulu@fordfoundation.org>; Peter Ozo-Eson <ozoesonpi@yahoo.com>; Prof Akin Mabogunje <akinmabo@gmail.com>; Prof. Ayo Dunmoye <ayodunmoye@yahoo.com>; Prof. Adeola Adenikinju <adeolaadenikinju@yahoo.com>; Adetoun Adetona <adetounadetona@googlemail.com>; Dele Ashiru <ashirudele@yahoo.co.uk>; Taiwo Asaolu <twasaolu@yahoo.co.uk>; Alaba Ogunsanwo <alabaogunsanwo@gmail.com>; Orogun Olanike <dam_nik@yahoo.com>; Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso <jumoyin@gmail.com>; Esther Oluwaseun Idowu <bethelidowu@gmail.com>; Royal Gardens <royalgardensnet@gmail.com>; Ebunoluwa Oduwole <ebunoduwole2k2@yahoo.com>; Oluwaniyi Osundare <oosunda1@uno.edu>; Banji Oyeyinka <boyeyinka@hotmail.com>; Bankole Omotoso <bankole.omotoso@gmail.com>; Odia Ofeimun <odia55@yahoo.com>; OLAYODE OLUSOLA <kennyode@yahoo.com>; Francis Egbokhare <foegbokhare@yahoo.com>; Femi Otubanjo <mail@service.com>; Francis Onaiyekan <fonaiyekan@yahoo.com>; Taiwo Owoeye <sistertees@hotmail.com>; Koyinsola Owoeye <stiker88@hotmail.com>; Innocent Chukwuma <innocent.chukwuma@fordfoundation.org>; Noel Ihebuzor <noel.ihebuzor@gmail.com>; Dr Akinwumi A. Adesina <adesina1234@gmail.com>; Adebayo Olukoshi <olukoshi@gmail.com>; IbrahimGambari <ibrahim.gambari@gmail.com>; Mohammed Haruna <ndajika01@gmail.com>; Grace Omoshaba <gmso2002@yahoo.com>; Fred Goke <fredgoke3@gmail.com>; Prof Ogunmola Ogunmola <gbogu...@gmail.com>; Gaf Oye <gafoye@gmail.com>; Prof. W.O. Alli <alliwo@yahoo.co.uk>; Michael Adeyeye <madeyeye2002@yahoo.com>; Prof. Ademola Oyejide <oyejide@isgpp.com.ng>; Prof Pat Utomi <putomi@cvlng.com>; Idowu Olayinka <aiolayinka@yahoo.com>; Mimikofemi <mimikofemi@yahoo.com>; tadewunmi@isgpp.com.ng <tadewunmi@isgpp.com.ng>; ogbogbo@gmail.com <ogbogbo@gmail.com>; bolanleawe2003@yahoo.com <bolanleawe2003@yahoo.com>; Bolaji Akinyemi <rotaben@gmail.com>; cyril obi <cyrilobi@hotmail.com>
Sent: Thursday, January 31, 2019, 3:40:05 PM GMT+1
Subject: Prof. Ayo Olukotun's Column

WHAT WILL NIGERIA LOOK LIKE IN 2023?

by Ayo Olukotun                                                          

 

Nations, especially when governed by innovative and inspiring leaders can leapfrog into exemplary status, becoming a hub of impressive activities, from where the rest of the world can learn. Conversely, if the 'beautyful ones' as Ayi Kwei Armah expressed it, are absent from leadership positions, nations can stagnate, making a norm of mediocrity and underachievement, or disappear altogether, like the 'lost civilization of Atlantis', from the map of the world.

 

As Nigeria approaches another round of elections, a little over a fortnight away, with characteristic trepidation, it is instructive to prefigure the possibilities of regeneration or degeneration, of beckoning greatness or infamous diminution. Somehow, let us note, worst case scenario paintings such as, 'Nigeria will cease to exist by 2015', have, so far, not materialized, but they continue to mushroom in updated forms, even among thoughtful elder statesmen. For example, last month, while responding to questions about the prospects of 'Igbo Presidency' in 2023 (there is a similar agitation for Yoruba Presidency, by the way). Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Chairman of Ohaneze Ndigbo Elders' Council, and former governor of Anambra state, remarked ominously that, "Yes, we want Igbo Presidency but if by 2023 Nigeria has disintegrated, on what will the Igbo presidency float? I doubt if Nigeria will survive till 2023".

 

Whatever one makes of Ezeife's prediction, there is little doubt that the country is probably more divided - ethnic and religious polarities are more trenchant - than at any other time since the civil war. On Wednesday, to illustrate contending religious perceptions, the National Christian Elders Forum led by Lt. General Theophilus Danjuma (rtd), told the nation that what has become the Justice Walter Onnoghen saga can be situated within the context of Political Islam at war with Christian leaders. That view, which I find difficult to uphold, was countermanded by the Kaduna State Chapter for the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria, which lined up behind the appointment of Justice Tanko Mohammed. In other words, in matters that are predominantly secular, religious interest groups are entering the fray in ways that play up religious bipolarity. So, rather than religion becoming a bulwark for the anti-corruption crusade, it reflects and refracts underlying and pre-existing tensions. It is a long story to rehearse how we got into this state of affairs, but in recent times, it may not be unconnected with the spectral murders of farmers in the Middle belt by sections of the Fulani militia protesting anti-grazing laws. The point to note therefore, is that from the perspective of unity and focus, underpinnings of greatness, the nation is in shambles and there are serious questions over its survival, and in what form. That question is for now, occluded by the forthcoming election but it can resurge intently, if, for any reason, the elections are mismanaged.

 

Whoever emerges as President in February will have to face up to the current disheveled status of national unity, which tends to undermine every effort to carry Nigeria beyond its limping condition. A related point concerns the current state of security which remains a sore point, not just with the recrudescence of the insurgency in the North east, but with kidnappings, gang wars, the relentless movement and encroachment of Fulani herdsmen around the Middle belt and the Northern part of Yorubaland, as well as sensational murders of political elites including military generals. If this trend continues, insecurity of lives and properties could escalate and become more direct threats to stability and livelihood. Beyond campaign slogans, there is a need to reinvent the institutions of the state, the security apparatus especially, as well as maintain a firm law and order mien that can curtail an increasingly vexing challenge fuelled by youth unemployment, demographic explosion, and poorly equipped security institutions. Hence, troubling uncertainties around the national question are overlaid by nuances of an imploding nation-state, buffeted by considerable internal disorder.

There is another front to introspect about in the context of what the country will look like in another four years, namely, the economy and the possibility that we can create wealth quickly enough to douse the rising poverty index and refute the appellation of having become the poverty capital of the world. Poverty, even in extreme forms, can be viewed in statistical terms. It is more telling when it is seen in human misery terms, the denial of opportunities, the acceptance of a relegated and abased sustenance, the frustrations of a desperate humanity living on the brink of extinction. Whatever economic model is preferred, if it ignores this dimension, it becomes an exercise in futility, and pushes Nigerians to the brink of a social tornado waiting to happen.

 

In order to reduce the possibility of disastrous uprisings and irritable excesses of a populace bearing the yoke of adversity, we must come up with a new paradigm of governance which totally does away with a circumstance in which legislators and office holders live in obscene affluence while the majority endure lives that go constantly from bad to worse. This is an agenda that have been much discussed but not implemented. There is much talk about reducing the cost of governance but no government hitherto has had the courage to actually implement it. If matters continue to drift in this area, it will translate into weak legitimacies for sitting governments, as well as constitute a challenge to the very concept of democracy.

 

As we look at the prospects of Nigeria in another four years, we must factor, the declining quality of lives occasioned by erratic and poor service delivery in virtually every department of social and economic endeavours. From underfunded and third-rate quality of education, through badly unkempt roads, ill-clad health institutions, to the perennial woes of electricity consumers, Nigerians have always had a raw deal. Government after government have promised amelioration without fulfilling it, with so much public money going down the drain. There are of course, a few exceptions to this unhappy narrative but they are too few to count. Another four years of misgovernance and statutory inefficiency will mean that the country will become far less livable than it already is. Considering the fact that several international reports suggest that Nigeria is one of the worst places to be born on earth, even when it is not in a period of war, foreshadows what may happen in the absence of a governance turnaround on the journey to 2023.

 

To be sure, some of the problems such as the price fluctuations of our major foreign exchange earner are foundational and cannot be solved in the short term. They belong to the category of issues about which we can do little beyond the diversification of our revenue base. But there are things we can change, for instance, by not maintaining the borrowing spree which has landed us back in the class of highly indebted nations, with associated consequences. In sum, what Nigeria will look like, or whether there would be a Nigeria at all in four years, is a consequence of the choices that we make or fail to make. The nation is on a leash. What can turn the tide is the quality of leadership, and of civil society that address themselves to ensuring that the worst does not happen.

-        Prof. Ayo Olukotun is the Oba (Dr.) Sikiru Adetona Chair of Governance, Department of Political Science, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye

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SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote

Laws are not sacrosanct. When laws are tested and found not to be for the peace and progress of the society they are resisted (disobeyed) and changed - Chidi Anthony Opara.

​Laws are never enacted to be tested but to be applied. It is during application that it can be adjudged as either good or bad. If a law is found not to serve the purpose for which it was enacted, it is repealed. However, all laws must be obeyed until they are repealed or changed. A law is like a dry fish which you cannot bend at will and if you try, you will break it into pieces. Breaking the law to suit your personal interest is an invitation to anarchy. Whatever opinion you may have about the CCT, it is the only initial instance to try public officials that have contravened CCB Act. The CJN cannot chose which Court should try him for the crime he admitted to have committed even though he attributed the crime to his temporary affliction with Alzheimer. If your stand is that the law can be disobeyed before it is changed, then it must be sensible for the President who enjoys constitutional immunity to disobey the law and not the Chief Justice that lacks protection from prosecution while in office unless he is a BÓLÈKÁJÀ Chief Justice.

Anyway, the drafters of the legislation under reference did not envisage the emergence of highly nepotistic President who would remove highly placed officials from other ethnic groups on mere allegations to pave way for people from his ethnic group, while ignoring allegations against people from his ethnic group - Chidi Anthony Opara.

​Section 231 (4) of the constitution that empowers the President to suspend the CJN if the occasion arises is now said by Chidi Anthony Opara to have been applied by the President in a nepotistic manner against a CJN who belongs to an ethnic group different from the President. ​I don't know which ethnic group Chief Justice Onnogen belongs in the South-South and what language he speaks. However, in his affidavit dated 14 December 2016, he admitted to ownership of a Union Bank account No. 0021464934 in Abuja with a balance of 9million, 536 thousand and 407 naira as at 14 November 2014. In Calabar branch of Union Bank he had account number 0012783291 containing a balance of 11 million, 456 thousand, and 311 naira as at 14 November 2014. He stated the sources of the funds in the accounts as salaries, estacodes and allowances. All along Chief Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen concealed from the CCB in his declaration that he had several accounts in Standard Chartered Bank (SCB) namely, a domiciliary account No. 50010626686 in euro, a domiciliary account No. 5001062679 in pound sterling and a domiciliary account No.0001062650 in US dollars. Besides, he had an e-saver savings account in naira and a naira account which are all maintained with SCB (Nig.) Ltd., in Abuja. A scrutiny of Chief Justice Onnoghen's domiciliary dollar account No.0001062650 at the SCB revealed the following : On five different occasions on 8 March 2011 Onnoghen deposited in person $10,000 on each occasion ($50,000 total); two separate cash deposits of $5,000 each (total $10,000) followed by four different cash deposits of $10,000 each (total $40,000) on 7 June 2011; another set of five separate cash deposits of $10,000 each (total $50,000) on 27 June 2011; and on 28 June 2011 at different occasions, four deposits of $10,000 each (total $40,000) was made into the account. Please note that 2011 was an election year with subsequent election petitions. Chief Justice Onnoghen said he forgot to declare his robust euro, dollar, pounds sterling and naira accounts at the SCB which was the cause of CCB arraigning him before the CCT. The foreign currencies as well as naira accounts do not speak any of the ethnic languages in Nigeria. Moreover, Chief Justice Onnoghen did not amass the aforementioned currencies for his ethnic group and in reality his ethnic group was not aware that he has ammassed such a huge cash wealth. Are you, Chidi Anthony Opara telling readers that President Buhari should not have suspended Chief Justice Onnoghen in accordance with Section 231(4) of the Constitution because the latter is from another tribe in Nigeria and when his tribe has never sent him to acquire unexplained wealth and declare false assets?

​Rule 1(3) of the Code of Conduct for Nigerian Judicial Officers states : A Judicial Officer should respect and comply with the laws of the land and should conduct himself at all times in a manner that promotes public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the Judiciary. Chief Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen has acted in disregard of Rule1 (3) of the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers perhaps in adherence to your idea that a law that does not serve ones interest, especially the pecuniary one, should be disobeyed. His disregard for CCB Act and its consequence has nothing to do with his ethnic origin. Onnoghen rides Mercedes but he is not of the same tribe as the makers of Mercedes Benz Cars. We, Nigerians should stop deploying ethnicity to excuse and justify wrongdoings. 
​S. Kadiri



Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM <chidi.opara@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 31 januari 2019 10:01
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote
 
"The case of the CJN is totally different.  Only the NJC which he chairs can discipline him, and if he refuses to call an NJC meeting whereat he sets up a panel to investigate - after hopefully stepping aside for the duration - the nation is stuck.   But enter Section 231(4) of the Nigerian Constitution, which empowers the President, who, if he determines that the CJN "for any reason" - presumably moral reasons - cannot discharge his duties, he can be suspended".

Laws are not sacrosanct. When laws are tested and found not to be for the peace and progress of the society, they are resisted(disobeyed)and changed.

During the time of slave trade, buying and selling of blacks was lawful, so also the discrimination against blacks in the apartheid era South Africa, but these were bad laws, which were resisted(disobeyed)and changed.

Anyway, the drafters of the legislation under reference did not envisage the emergence of a highly nepotistic President who would remove highly placed officials from other ethnic groups on mere allegations to pave way for people from his ethnic group, while ignoring allegations against people from his ethnic group.

CAO.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fwd: ONNOGHEN LIED, PURE AND SIMPLE



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Anthony Akinola <anthony.a.akinola@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, Jan 31, 2019 at 6:42 AM
Subject: ONNOGHEN LIED, PURE AND SIMPLE
To: <molobatuyi@hotmail.com>, Kolade Mosuro <kmosuro@aol.com>, Anthony Akinola <anthony.a.akinola@gmail.com>, stephen smith <polygnotos.zeuxis@googlemail.com>


Onnoghen lied, pure and simple

Published Date Jan 31, 2019 3:20 AM
CJN Walter Onnoghen

Sadly, one deficiency in our contemporary culture is that we hardly own up to our misdeeds. We always think of what lies could be concocted in order to sabotage the justice system or whatever is morally acceptable in a civilised society. The duty we owe to posterity is to find ways by which a new generation of Nigerians can be brought up on the path of truth and honesty, denouncing the very ways we ourselves have become accustomed to

Sometime in 2011, precisely the time the United Nations  office at Abuja was attacked, a Nigerian who had been absent from work without any permission from his boss claimed he had been traumatised because a very close relation of his was among the victims of the attack. Compare and contrast this blatant lie to the honesty of a Briton who was absent from work and apologised to his boss, blaming his absence on having had too much alcohol to drink  the previous day.

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Just recently, a Nigerian-born British lawmaker, Fiona Onasanya, was sentenced to three months in jail for lying about a speeding ticket in the UK.  She could easily have paid the fine for exceeding the speed limit but, in an attempt to escape justice, she claimed her vehicle was at the time of the offence driven by someone else. The person she claimed drove her car was at the time of the offence on a visit to Russia. In jailing Fiona, the judge said, "You have simply let yourself down, you have let down those who look to you for inspiration, your party, your profession and parliament".  A solicitor by profession, Fiona had since been expelled from the Labour Party and faces a recall from Parliament upon the receipt of a petition-10 percent of registered voters-from her constituency.

Now, in the current controversy involving the suspended Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen, I make bold to say that the eminent jurist "lied" in not fully declaring his assets. The claim that he "forgot" about some of his accounts is the typical Nigerian way of not wanting to own up to our misdeeds, always seeking an explanation that seeks to evoke sympathy from others. Justice Onnoghen should simply have honourably resigned his position and apologise to the nation for a behaviour that has fallen short of what is expected of someone of his exalted position. Except for the recent commendable example of Kemi Adeosun, former Minister of Finance, we sadly do not resign positions in Nigeria, always wanting to fight till the bitter end.

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With President Muhammadu Buhari rather hastily suspending the former Chief Justice from office, it was always expected that there would be fireworks about the constitutionality or otherwise of his action, the facts of ethnic interpretation as well as the interpretations of those who would want to profit politically from an avoidable crisis situation.

One honestly had thought a prominent leader of the Peoples Democratic Party died on hearing that the party suspended its campaigns for 72 hours. Haba, the PDP needed not have suspended its campaigns because someone had been suspended from office. The party should have laundered its grudge in the market of public opinion,especially now that elections are around the corner and anything goes in seeking to exploit the failings of an opponent. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar should not have been petitioning foreign nations, nations that have always held us in contempt, over issues that are purely domestic. The Azikiwes and Nkrumahs, who fought for our independence and emancipation, would be mightily disappointed that, more than 50 years after independence, contemporary African leaders cannot resist the temptation of begging former colonial powers to intervene in matters that are best resolved domestically.

 

Anthony Akinola, Oxford, United Kingdom.

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SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The List of Corrupt Governors Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Agency Chair(Nuhu Ribadu) Presented To Senate In 2006

​On the contrary, suspected persons are not always prosecuted simply because there are no evidence to obtain conviction. When a person is accused of any legal infraction, there must be evidence to prosecute the person otherwise the accuser (s) would be liable to false accusation.

​Can you share with me which political reason(s) made EFCC not to prosecute Bola Ahmed Tinubu for corruption in 2007 unlike his Governor's colleagues?



Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM <chidi.opara@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 31 januari 2019 13:20
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The List of Corrupt Governors Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Agency Chair(Nuhu Ribadu) Presented To Senate In 2006
 
Accused persons are not always prosecuted.

There are reasons for that, other than the reason of lack of evidence.

Most times, the reason is political.

CAO.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fw: BBC News: about the Sad Murder iof an Investigative Journalist in Accra: The life and death of Ahmed Hussein-Suale


 

​Sharing the sad news below about the Murder of  a Ghana-born BBC Correspondent (Journalist):


Murder in Accra: The life and death of Ahmed Hussein-Suale

A Ghanaian investigative journalist was shot dead. Police believe he was assassinated because of his work.

 

SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The List of Corrupt Governors Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Agency Chair(Nuhu Ribadu) Presented To Senate In 2006

Accused persons are not always prosecuted.

There are reasons for that, other than the reason of lack of evidence.

Most times, the reason is political.

CAO.

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SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The List of Corrupt Governors Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Agency Chair(Nuhu Ribadu) Presented To Senate In 2006

​The statement in the Senate was credited to Nuhu Ribadu in 2006. When the tenure and the immunity of the Governors expired in May 2007, Nuhu Ribadu as the head of EFCC filed corruption cases against about 32 Governors. Tinubu was not among them because there was no evidence to arraign and charge him for corruption in 2007. Lack of arraignment and prosecution of Tinubu in 2007 as it was done to other Governors actually invalidated the statement said to have been made by Nuhu Ribadu on Tinubu in the Senate in 2006. What Nuhu Ribadu said in 2011 that Tinubu was never arraigned and charged to court for corruption in 2007 because there was no evidence as such was an affirmation of what actually happened. Only a non-adult person would deem the affirmation of that reality incredible. 
​S. Kadiri



Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM <chidi.opara@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 31 januari 2019 04:25
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The List of Corrupt Governors Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Agency Chair(Nuhu Ribadu) Presented To Senate In 2006
 
Salimoni Kadiri,
Do you expect any reasonable person to sincerely believe that the second statement you claim was made by Nuhu Ribadu, under the circumstance he made the statement should be more credible than the first statement?

CAO.

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SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote

​Welcome back Bolaji. We all know that there are three arms in the presidential system of government in Nigeria (separation of powers). If each arm of government should act according to the spirit of the Constitution and the laws, there would be no problem. Evidently today, the National Assembly is constituted in disregard of the letters of the Constitution prohibiting carpet crossing. The most important arm of the government as I see it is the Judiciary which if it has been adjudicating strictly over cases according to the laws, neither the Executive nor the legislature would have been able to mess up the system. Alas, the judiciary is the last hope of treasury looters in Nigeria and it is the cemetery of common Nigerians.
S. Kadiri  



Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Mobolaji Aluko <alukome@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 30 januari 2019 05:33
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Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote
 

Salimonu Kadiri:

In Nigeria's checks-and-balances presidential system:

(1) The President can be impeached by the National Assembly, and then removed by adequate vote margin.  Unless the President physically shuts down the Nass building, he cannot prevent the legislators from initiating such an impeachment move.    His own cabinet can also initiate his removal, under certain unusual disability circumstances.  The "victimized" President can appeal to the Judiciary to claim abuse of process, but he is unlikely to prevail. 

(2).  The Senate President and the Speaker of the House can be impeached by special investigating committee of their peers, and then removed by an adequate vote margin.  There is nothing these two Legislature  leaders can do  - including not convening Senate or House sittings -  to prevent their removal if their peers are determined to do the removal act.   They can appeal to the Judiciary to claim abuse of process, but they are  unlikely to prevail.

(3). The case of the CJN is totally different.  Only the NJC which he chairs can discipline him, and if he refuses to call an NJC meeting whereat he sets up a panel to investigate - after hopefully stepping aside for the duration - the nation is stuck.   But enter Section 231(4) of the Nigerian Constitution, which empowers the President, who, if he determines that the CJN "for any reason" - presumably moral reasons - cannot discharge his duties, he can be suspended:

QUOTE 

 231 (4) If the office of Chief Justice of Nigeria is vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding has resumed those functions, the President shall appoint the most senior Justice of the Supreme Court to perform those functions.

UNQUOTE

The President did not even need a CCT order to do the suspension, but he went an extra judicial mile to get that order, now triggering a set of events in which now the NJC is investigating ting both the CJN and the Acting CJN that replaced him due to four petitions before it.  That is how it should be. 


As to the innocence or guilt of the CJN, he is presumed innocent until proven guilty, but unless he is protecting his wife's vault of currencies, he does look very guilty if indeed he admitted forgetfulness and oversight in declaring such.   He should have suspended himself to let the NJC investigation commence promptly, or else simply resign. 

Those who claim that since he confessed in written form to ownership of undeclared assets, there is a CCB law that frees him from responsibility are quite interesting.  Certainly, at the bottom of every crime is  forgetfulness - even of the existence of the violated law itself.    One can imagine that the original ibtendment of the law is the firgeting for example a dormant account with one or two hundred naira in them, not the ownership of an island in  the Caribbean, three yachts in Malta, and 100 houses at Asokoro.  Haba... That is the classic case if forgetting the elephant in the the room. 

Finally,  the elite cacophony in support of the CJN  is frightening, with the NBA for example going on a two-day strike for a man most eminently qualified to defend himself. Even Senate President Saraki unilaterally filed a case against the Presidency before the Supreme Court for interpretation of the situation.  

One hopes that the present situation will lead to another attempt to clean up the Augean stable of our messed-up Judiciary, whose reputation even among themselves for corruption is legendary.  An opportunity was lost last time around when a meek effort was done to prove the financial dealings of some lesser judges. We should not let this opportunity slip again. 

And there you have it. 


Bolaji Aluko 

On Tuesday, January 29, 2019, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:
​The Judge was caught in a criminal act of failing to declare his assets according to the Code of Conduct Bureau. He has admitted in writing that he forgot to declare his assets consisting huge amount of money in his various bank accounts in Nigeria that are in US dollars, Euro and Naira.
​Following your logic, a man who has admitted beheading another person has not been caught with the crime of murder until a court of competent jurisdiction has pronounced him guilty. Thus, murder by your own logic is not in the perpetrated action (chopping off another person's head) but in the pronouncement of a Judge. Regrettably, it is your kind of logic which has led to the epidemy of abuse of judicial power in Nigeria whereby murderers, treasury looters and other criminals are pronounced not guilty by bribed judges. It is the era of cash and carry judgment.

​You may be correct in assuming that Buhari's appointed acting CJN is worse than the suspended CJN but assumption is the lowest level of knowledge. In the name of justice we need to be confronted with documentary evidence of false or failed declaration of assets by the acting CJN before declaring him a criminal. He may be worse than the suspended CJN but there is no evidence to buttress that assumption and, in fact, it is not intelligent to exonerate the suspended CJN of criminal trespass of CCB Act with the assumption that there are other Judges who are guilty of similar crime but yet to be caught and arraigned.
S. Kadiri 



Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM <chidi.opara@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 28 januari 2019 17:31
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote
 
".....any self-respecting Judge caught in an immoral act loses the moral right to sit in judgement over others.  He should honorably resign!"(IBK).

IBK,
The Judge in question has not been "caught". He can only be said to have been "caught", if found guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction(you are supposed to be telling me this).

Preliminary background check on Buhari's CJN however, revealed worst!

CAO.

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