Thursday, May 31, 2018

Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Address by President Muhammad Buharion Democracy Day 2018

It is surprising to me that from what we know about Buhari so far, some of us still expect the man to deliver "inspiring" speeches! Pray, where is he going to get that from? Do people give what they do not have?

CAO.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote

Was the Nigerian "not too young to run" bill(now law) cited as amendment to sections of the constitution prescribing ages for electoral contests? If not, then it is null and void to the extent of the apparent inconsistencies.

CAO.

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - The Impact of Gentrification onLongstanding Residents of East Austin

Deja vu all over!

I wonder if Austin's situation has a historical precedence and, worse still, is a scary foreshadow of what is to come in America's suburban populations. It used to be "White flight," (East St. Louis, IL, Milwaukee, WI), now it's Blacks being chased out of town! "Savage inequalities" re-visited, right? Where is Jonathan Kozol when we most need him!

Michael O. Afolayan






On Wednesday, May 30, 2018, 2:03:45 PM CDT, Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu> wrote:


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THOSE WHO STAYED

The Impact of Gentrification on Longstanding Residents of East Austin

 


https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/4404671/Those-Who-Stayed.pdf

 

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Re: Fwd: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Death of Monarchism

OAA

Institutions are made for the people, people are not made for institutions. If the people do not like an institution, they have the power to dismantle it and reconstruct preferred institutions. If an institution does not like the people, it has no power to dissolve the people and elect new ones. Africans yearn for democratic institutions and not for nonarchical ones. 

By some kind of coincidence, Soyinka published Death and the King's Horseman in 1976, the very year that Obasanjo obeyed the British instruction to impose traditional rulers across the country. Prior to that my people had no traditional ruler and not long afterwards, the traditional ruler abdicated under the pressure of traditional democracy. Thus the people were there when the tradition was imposed and the people will outlast the tradition. 

That was the point that Soyinka made in the play by sparing the life of Elesin while highly educated Yoruba men and women cheered him on to commit death. Elesin outlasted the King and the monarchy was almost ignored in the drama.

Now, whatever the tradition you follow, I am sure that you will agree with Soyinka that any tradition that forces a man to commit ritual suicide in honor of a dead king is not worthy of support especially not by highly educated Africans. That is the hegemonic message in the play. Would you disagree even after living in the US for 30 years? You dey craze?

Biko


On Thu, May 31, 2018 at 1:29 PM, Windows Live 2018
<yagbetuyi@hotmail.com> wrote:

EDITED


Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.

-------- Original message --------
From: Windows Live 2018 <yagbetuyi@hotmail.com>
Date: 31/05/2018 13:46 (GMT+00:00)
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Death of Monarchism

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Biko
I'm familiar with your (and IIgbo position )on .monarchies. Alas it is still with us! Some have put in reforms.   What you represent as Soyinkas position is actually Fagunwas position in The Riddle of the Divine  (Adiitu Olodumare) based on his adoption of Christian (colonial ethos.

  It was perhaps Fagunwas position that was the motivation for Soyinkas more nuanced position.  Fagunwas position perhaps underlined the end of the practice in Yoruba land so cows are now substituted symbolically in a move that mirrors end of Jewish child immolation symbolized by Abrahams injunction to spare Isaacs life and sacrifice a ram instead.

My most robust defense of the Kings horseman came in a paper I wrote in 2001 and I reoresent the points here.  It is perhaps a similar mindset that informs Soyinkas position in ElesinOba: It is a well known axiom that the older generation makes wars but it is the youths that die in them in large numbers being mobiluzed by naive notiins of service to the fatherland.  The Europeans have waged senseless wars since the middle ages in which hundreds of thousands iof the youths are sent to certain death knowing fully well that half of them will not come back alive and Reason did not prevent  them from continuing in this past time till the Iraq invasiion.  

Now a culture appoints a dignitary as the internal equivalent of the Aare On a Kakanfo as the head of the internal intelligence and security network who enjoys similar opulence to the king and sees that the king is not sent to an untimely death by his internal enemies. The dignitary understands this position and is ready to accompany his benefactor to the Great Beyond and western barbs and snipers shots are aimed at the system. Between the lives of countless youths who represent the future being sacrificed on the battlefront and the life of a spent man who originally entered a pact to follow his benefactor to the Great Beyond which is more odious?

Princes and princess are not paid frrom public funds. They have their day jobs.  So more than teachers it is them whom we can speak of as having  their rewards in heaven for the unpaid public services they render.  Some of the opulent princes who make it to the throne  like the last Ooni Sijuwade and the Awujale actually enrich their kingdoms with their business connectiins and their personal riches Some actually promote your academic class by endowing a Chair with part of their personal wealth.  The institution will surely outlast you and I

OAA


Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.


-------- Original message --------
From: 'Biko Agozino' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Date: 28/05/2018 00:09 (GMT+00:00)
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Death of Monarchism

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OAA

You are entitled to your opinion about the meaning of Soyinka's work to a monarchist like you. However, there is nothing in the opus of Baba Sho to support the burial of a living man as human sacrifice to a dead king. Such human sacrifice remains part of what he called the Open Sores of a Continent.

It was not the meddlesome colonizers that wrote the script with which Elesin renounced the tyranny of ritual suicide. Everything that Soyinka wrote was a challenge to arbitrary rule and monarchism and a plea for equality. 

Agreeing to meet with the young Ooni is no endorsement of monarchism for it is doubtful that Soyinka will lie down on the floor as a mark of respect to the young man. 

I would prefer to see all traditional rulers deposed and replaced with elected town mayors and town councils with term limits. This is not just the preference of the Igbo who proudly declare that they know no king and that all heads are equal, it is the expectation of the republican federalist constitution with no room for natural rulers who fight and kill brothers to ascend the throne, as in Black Panther, instead of seeking the electoral mandate of the people.

I also admire the Cultural Studies contributions of BJ but I was surprised that he did not highlight the most radical thrusts of the play - resolute opposition to human sacrifice and to monarchism as Williams and Hall would have done.

Biko


On Sun, May 27, 2018 at 6:14 PM, Windows Live 2018
<yagbetuyi@hotmail.com> wrote:
Biko. 
I am lost in your connection between killmonger in Black Panther and the death of monarchies which has not delivered on the provocation in the title and the little excerpt shared with non members of Facebook on this forum. I'm guessing I'm one of the implied targets of the piece ( The Yoruba say ' Bija ba jo teni ta o le fohun... )

Many people quote Soyinka out of context but it may interest you that only a few months ago he let it be known that he was due for an urgent summit with the much younger Ooni of Ife.  That was not the action of a person dismissive of monarchies.  I will align myself with the summation of Biodun Jeyifo with whose highly perceptive  critical judgement I have been privileged to be associated for more than 40 years.

Death and the Kings Horseman appears to be Soyinkas seminal statement about the meddlesomeness of colonial officials in matters they did not even begin to comprehend.  That he strove to stage it in America means he wanted the American world to know that there are other effective modes of governance in Africa other than than the presidential system.

Iranse ni mo je. (I'm only a lowly prince, the messenger of such Principals as the Alaafin, the Ooni and the Council of Obas).  When I left Nigeria more than 30 yrs ago my fathers only injunction was: 'Remember whose child you are.'  Like the college pastor of the college where I taught in the US puts iit in another matter. It was like a young maidens apparel : long enough to cover the essentials brief enough to leave out the irrelevancies.

HRH OAA.





Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.


-------- Original message --------
From: 'Biko Agozino' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Date: 27/05/2018 19:05 (GMT+00:00)
To: Usaafricadialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Death of Monarchism

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Biko

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Address by President Muhammad Buharion Democracy Day 2018

What you have considered inspiring are political promises. 
You have a foreign reserve with a huge financial debt, is that inspiring? 
Are you saying Mr. president in his address of empowerment of the youth is a bribe after he has insulted and castigated them as idle?

Sent from my iPhone 

On May 30, 2018, at 4:36 PM, Windows Live 2018 <yagbetuyi@hotmail.com> wrote:

I disagree that this is an uninspiring speech by Mr president.

Paragraphs7 to 10 highlights  the govt intends to tackle issues of security headlong.  We however need benchmarks for accountable results.

Mr Presidents speech reveals that the reserves have almost doubled  in the 3 yrs he took office from about 30 billion to 47.

Mr President has demonstrated  that he has learned from the reaction of Nigerians to his gaffe about Nigerian youths by zeroing in in section 20 in governments  efforts on youth empowerment. Nigerians expect more from him

More importantly Nigerians need more periodic briefings from their president especially on the burning security issues.  In particular the arrests made so far on herdsmen related violence



Sent from my Samsung Galaxy smartphone.


-------- Original message --------
From: Anthony Akinola <anthony.a.akinola@gmail.com>
Date: 29/05/2018 20:04 (GMT+00:00)
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Address by President Muhammad Buharion  Democracy Day 2018

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A reflection of the poverty of our speech writers.
Anthony Akinola

On Tue, May 29, 2018 at 4:47 PM, Segun Ogungbemi <seguno2013@gmail.com> wrote:
There is nothing new and inspiring in the address of Mr. President. 
Segun Ogungbemi 

Sent from my iPhone 

On May 29, 2018, at 4:31 AM, Ashafa Abdullahi <abashafa@gmail.com> wrote:

ADDRESS BY MUHAMMADU BUHARI, PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA IN COMMEMORATION OF 
THE 2018 DEMOCRACY DAY CELEBRATION, 
 TUESDAY, 29TH MAY, 2018

My Dear Nigerians!

Today marks the 19th year of our nascent democracy and the 3rd Anniversary of this administration. I am thankful to Almighty God for bringing us thus far.  This administration came at a time that Nigerians needed Change, the Change we promised and the Change we continue to deliver. We have faced a lot of challenges on this journey and Nigerians have stood by us in achieving the three cardinal points of this administration namely; Security, Corruption and the Economy.

2. The commemoration of this year's Democracy Day is a celebration of freedom, a salute to the resilience and determination of Nigerians and a recommitment by Government to keep its promise to lead Nigeria into a new era of justice and prosperity.

3. Public safety and security remains the primary duty of this Government. Before this Administration came into being 3 years ago, Boko Haram held large areas of land spanning several Local Governments in the North East.             

4. Today, the capacity of the insurgents has been degraded leading to the re-establishment of authority of government and the release of captives including, happily, 106 Chibok and 104 Dapchi girls, and over 16,000 other persons held by the Boko Haram. 

5. In order to minimize the impact of the insurgency on Internally Displaced Persons, Government has established secure IDP Camps and has improved the mechanism for the distribution of basic aid, foods and essential commodities using various strategies in collaboration with local and international Organizations.  

6. Efforts are in process for resettlement of IDPs in their home communities by providing schools, hospitals, clinics, water and sanitation to facilitate a quick return to economic activities. Government is similarly implementing de-radicalization and rehabilitation programmes to facilitate sustainable peace and development.

7. The unfortunate incidences of kidnappings, herdsmen and farmers clashes in several communities which have led to high number of fatalities and loss of properties across the country is being addressed and the identified culprits  and their sponsors shall be made to face the full wrath of the law. All the three tiers of Government are presently engaged with communities and religious organizations to restore peaceful co-existence among Nigerians. 

8. I want to commend members of the Multinational Joint Task Force drawn from Niger, Benin, Chad, Cameroon and our own country in collaboration with the International Community who are assisting in the fight against insurgency in the North East. I also commend the gallantry of members of our Armed Forces and other security agencies that have continued to provide security for lives and properties across the country.  State and Local traditional authorities are helping with much needed intelligence in this fight against insurgency.

9. This administration is pained over the grievous loss of lives and properties occasioned by the carnage of insurgency and other forms of criminality in the country. I wish to assure Nigerians that we will not rest until all criminal elements and their sponsors are brought to justice. Government is boosting the capacity of our security agencies through recruitment of more personnel, training and procurement of modern equipment, enhancement of intelligence gathering as well as boosting their morale in the face of daunting challenges. 

10. The Niger Delta Region has enjoyed relative peace through social inclusiveness and cooperation of the Elders and the good people of the region. Government is committed to implementing the comprehensive peace, security and development plan for the region. The environmental clean-up of the region which commenced with the launch in Bodo, Ogoni in June, 2016 is progressing satisfactorily. Furthermore farming assets are being revived and investors in cocoa and palm oil plantations are showing serious interest.  

11. The second primary object of this Administration is to fight corruption headlong. Like I have always said, if we don't kill corruption, corruption will destroy the country. Three years into this Administration, Nigerians and the international community have begun to applaud our policies and determination to fight corruption. We are more than ever before determined to win this war, however hard the road is. I therefore appeal to all well-meaning Nigerians to continue to support us in this fight. 

12. Various policy measures already put in place to stem the tide of corrupt practices are yielding remarkable results. Some of these key reform policies include:
The Treasury Single Account (TSA) has realized Billions of Naira being saved from maintenance fee payable to banks.  N200 Billion has also been saved from elimination of ghost workers in public service.

The Whistle-Blowing Policy has helped to recover over N500 Billion;

The Presidential Initiative on Continuous Audit set up with a mandate to validate controls, assess risks, prune personnel costs, ensure compliance with Public Financial Management reforms has helped to identify and remove over 52,000 ghost workers from the Federal Government MDAs Payroll;

The Voluntary Asset and Income Declaration Scheme (VAIDS) aimed at expanding tax education and awareness has offered the opportunity for tax defaulters to regularise their status in order to enjoy the amnesty of forgiveness on overdue interest, penalties and the assurance of non-prosecution or subject to tax investigations.

   The Sovereign Wealth Fund project portfolio has been expanded with an injection of US$650 million so as to strengthen its investment in local infrastructure, power, health, re-construction of Abuja-Kano road, Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, East West Road (Section V) and the Mambilla Hydro-electric Power project as well as the construction of the 2nd Niger Bridge. 
13. The fight against corruption through the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission has resulted in recoveries of Billions of Naira, as well as forfeiture of various forms of assets. This alongside other efforts has improved Nigeria's international image and regional cooperation.

14. We have retained the services of one of the world's leading assets tracing firms to investigate and trace assets globally. This is in addition to the exploitation of provisions of existing Treaties, Conventions as well as Bilateral Agreements with Multilateral bodies and Nations. Nigeria has also signed Mutual Legal Assistance Agreements to ensure that there is no hiding place for fugitives.

15. This Administration has therefore focused on revamping the ailing economy it inherited in 2015.   In 2016, Government executed an expansionary budget and developed the Strategic Implementation Plan.  For the first time, 30% of the budget was earmarked for capital expenditure which represents an upward review when compared with the 2015 budget. The SIP was followed by the development of a comprehensive medium term plan – the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan 2017 – 2020. 

16. The broad strategic objectives of the ERGP were to; Restore and sustain economic growth; Build a globally competitive economy; and Invest in our people.  The implementation of the ERGP has started yielding results. The National Bureau of Statistics reports that  the economy grew by 1.95% in 1st quarter 2018, which is a good performance when viewed against -0.91 in 1st quarter 2017 and -0.67% in 1st quarter 2016 respectively.

17. Our foreign reserve has improved significantly to 47.5 billion USD as of May, 2018 as against 29.6 billion USD in 2015.  The inflationary rate has consistently declined every month since January, 2017. 

18. Recently, Government conducted Focus Labs in three key sectors of the Economy namely, Agriculture & Transport, Manufacturing and Processing as well as  Power and Gas. These have yielded significant prospects for investments and Job creation to the tune of US$ 22.5 billion with a potential for creating more than 500,000 jobs by 2020. These investment generation initiatives are expected to increase capital inflows in the form of foreign direct investment. There is a high prospect that the cumulative investments from this first phase of the Labs will hit US$39.2 billion by 2025.

19. Under agriculture, Nigeria continues to pursue a strategic food security programme built around self-sufficiency and minimization of import dependency. As a result, rice importation from other countries has been cut down by 90% which has a direct impact on foreign reserves.

20. The Social Investment Programmes (SIP) has been created as a means to graduating our citizens from poverty through capacity building, investment and direct support. The major strategic objective is to restore livelihood, economic opportunities and sustenance for the poor across the country. The SIP programmes and projects include:
Home Grown School Feeding Programme - About 8.2 million pupils are currently being fed from 24 States of the Federation with over 75,000 Catering Staff engaged under the programme. 

The Conditional Cash Transfer has so far recorded over 297,000 caregivers and being trained by 2,495 Community Facilitators in 21 states. Less privileged Nigerians are now being paid N5,000 monthly stipend in 9 pilot States of Bauchi, Borno, Cross River, Ekiti, Kwara, Kogi, Niger, Osun and Oyo. Eventually the scheme will cover all the 36 states of the federation including the FCT. 

Under the Government Enterprise Empowerment Programme - About 264,269 loans had been disbursed to 4,822 societies in the 36 States and FCT, while another 370,635 are awaiting release of funds.  

N-Power Job creation Scheme - is targeted at providing jobs for unemployed young graduates and has so far recruited 200,000 youths while the next batch of 300,000 have been selected, verified and would soon be deployed across the 36 States and the FCT. Furthermore, 20,000 non-graduate volunteers have also been selected to kick off the N-Build programme in collaboration with the National Automotive Design and Development Council and the Council of Registered Builders of Nigeria. 

21. In the area of power generation, Nigerians from all parts of the country continue to report better power supply and less use of generators. This underscores the effectiveness of the methodical plan to deliver incremental and uninterrupted power supply to our homes, markets, offices and factories.

22. The country achieved 5, 222.3 MW representing the highest peak of power generated onto the national grid and delivered to customers in December, 2017. With new facilities, repairs and rehabilitations by Government and private investors, generation capability now exceeds 7,500 MW. 

23. This Administration is committed to lawful interventions to ensure the operators of the distribution business live up to expectations especially in the areas of distribution capacity, service delivery, collection efficiency, and metering to eliminate contentious estimated billing.

24. The Transportation Sector continues to undergo a series of reforms in order to sustain the international best practices and ensure safety and security. The nation's major airports have witnessed reconstruction of runways, installation of navigational equipment and new international terminals due for commissioning in Abuja, Lagos, Kano and Enugu. Bilateral Air Services Agreements between Nigeria and the Governments of other countries will significantly open up new flight routes.

25. As a result of strict regulatory and compliance policies, Nigeria retained her Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) Category 1 status, after a routine international audit.  Recently, a new Maintenance Repair and Overhaul facility with capacity for aircraft C-checks and other comprehensive levels of maintenance was established in Lagos. This would save the country an estimated $90m annually.
26. Giant strides have been recorded over the past three years to improve road transport infrastructure in all geopolitical zones of the country. 

27. The Railway Sector has also received tremendous attention as this Administration is committed to the goal of linking all State capitals in the Federation by rail network to ease the movement of goods and passengers.
  
28. The Education Sector especially at tertiary level has continued to witness expansion in order to improve access to higher education by millions of youths in Nigeria. Over the last three years, Government has approved the establishment of 1 new Federal Polytechnic, granted licenses for the establishment of 4 State and 14 private-owned Universities as well as 12 private Polytechnics. 

29. Government has also continued to support the implementation of various initiatives aimed at improving the quality of Basic Education delivery. Thus, it has ensured proper funding at the Basic Education level with the disbursement of N42.2 billion UBE Matching Grant to 26 States and the FCT, N851.5 million Special Education Grant disbursed to 23 States and private providers of Special Education and N2.2 billion Teachers Professional Development Fund to 33 States and the FCT.  

30. The Federal Government has continued to support fiscal sustainability at the sub-national governments through the implementation of the Budget Support Facility which was accompanied by the 22- point Fiscal Sustainability Plan. Thus, bailouts funds were made available to States to ease their fiscal challenges and other obligations including payment of salaries.

31. In addition, a total of 73 Ecological Fund projects for the control of gully erosion in different communities across all geopolitical zones have been completed in the last three years and are undergoing commissioning while 53 other projects are ongoing. The execution of these projects has generated 357 skilled jobs and 1,350 unskilled jobs during this period.

32. It is pertinent to also make mention of the immeasurable contributions of the Nigerian woman to national development and advancement of democracy, over the last three years. The government and people appreciate you all as mothers of our great country.
33. My dear country men and women, as we all celebrate our democratic experience, let us resolve to avoid hatred and intolerance; we can only achieve our objectives in an atmosphere of harmony and peaceful co-existence. 

34.  Finally, the up-coming months will usher us into another season of general elections. Let me use this opportunity to urge us all to conduct ourselves, our wards and our constituencies with the utmost sense of fairness, justice and peaceful co-existence such that we will have not only hitch free elections but also a credible and violence free process.

35. In few days to come, I will be joined by many promising young Nigerians to sign into law the "Not Too Young to Run" Bill

36. I thank you for your attention.
37. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - BISHOP AJAKAYE ON THE STATE OF THE NIGERIAN NATION.

Nigeria, a hope betrayed

His Lordship Felix Femi Ajakeye, Catholic Bishop of Ekiti Diocese

Hope is described as 'the general feeling that some desire will be fulfilled'. I tend to believe that was the feeling of our forebears (that is, the founding fathers and mothers of Nigeria). They sought Nigeria's independence from the British colonialists, though the struggle was not a very smooth one. Nigeria attained her independence on 1 October, 1960, and became a Republic in 1963.

With the celebrated independence, it was the desire that Nigeria was going to be better governed by Nigerians themselves and Nigeria was going to be one of the leading countries in both Africa and the world. However, it seems that the present situation and experience in our country, Nigeria, portray Nigeria as hope betrayed.

More than ever before, in Nigeria today, daily, we are now experiencing fear and trepidation. Wanton killings, abductions and other evil acts are glaring. There is no respect for human dignity. Human lives are being terminated almost daily in Nigeria by fellow human beings indiscriminately. Unfortunately, the government and the security agencies are always assuring the people that they are 'on top of the situation'.

In fact, this is not the true presentation. As the government and the security agencies continue to praise their achievements and present their victories in the media, in reality, the rate the killers, kidnappers and armed robbers operate and strike is alarming. Indeed, this is a sign that as they claim to be 'on top of the situation', they are below the action. In this light, I call on our government and the security agencies to be more 'on top of the action' rather being 'on top of the situation'.

Thus, we need more of assured action and sincerity of purpose. We do not need any deceit anymore. Nigeria belongs to all of us and no groups of people have the exclusive right to kill and maim. All of us have the right to live and defend ourselves when we are faced with danger. These are dangerous and trying times.

Nigerians and the international community are tired of the government's promises and assurances 'of bringing to book' the culprits of these unabated killings, kidnappings, armed robberies and other evil acts. Enough of the rhetoric; every human life is sacrosanct and it needs to be well protected. Life is sacred. All and sundry are to uphold the sanctity of human life and be true witnesses and promoters of human life.

'I am not afraid of an army of lions led by a sheep; I am afraid of an army of sheep led by a lion' (Alexander the Great). This is food for thought for the Federal Government, state governments and the security agencies.

I urge them to wake up from their slumber and be tactical and practical in their approach to the insecurity bedeviling our beloved country, Nigeria. These terrorist attacks on the citizens and foreigners in Nigeria MUST be addressed concretely for the benefit of all and for the unity of Nigeria. What is the essence of celebrating democracy when there is serious insecurity in Nigeria?

The 19th year of the civilian government in Nigeria (May 29, 1999 – May 29, 2018), otherwise known as Democracy Day, should be used for a thorough sober reflection. It should not be another mere speech-making day. The unity of Nigeria is at the edge. There are war songs, accompanied with war drums across the country. Unless we, both individually and collectively, engage in genuine stocktaking and begin to address our legion of problems gradually without deception by both the leaders and the led, our country may be heading towards a calamitous fall.

By the way, I humbly appeal to President Muhammadu Buhari to actualize his statement on his inauguration as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, on May 29, 2015:' I belong to everybody. I belong to nobody'. He needs to act those words now. Time is running out.

To avoid the fall of our country, we are to work and pray. We are to walk our prayers and our positive talks. For our country, not to fail, for our Nigeria not to fall, we are to remain optimistic and keep hope alive and active. To be optimistic is 'to expect the best in all things'. Nothing should separate us from God's love (Romans 8: 31-39).

As we keep searching for true democracy in Nigeria, where the real patriotic and godly civilian politicians will be bold enough to take up the mantle of leadership and be genuinely prepared to serve the people concretely and meaningfully, Nigeria will remain a theatre of daydreamers and opportunists who parade themselves as the alpha and the omega of Nigeria. Since leadership is the 'ability to guide, direct and influence people', today, in Nigeria, we need sincere, purposeful and committed leaders and visionaries who will inspire others. 'The power of the people is greater than the people in power' (Wael Ghonim). As citizens, let us start to put an end to militarization of politics in Nigeria ('Militocracy') and gerontocracy ('a political system governed by old people').

All of us in Nigeria, no matter our ethnicities, religions and political parties, are to strive to work for true democracy where the Constitution and the rule of law will be our guide instead of the whims and caprices of certain individuals and groups. We must entrench and promote good governance with strong structures, and not strong persons. Inevitably, strong structures will always surpass strong people. Strong structures last longer than strong people who will phase out definitely. No condition is permanent and nothing lasts forever.

Not to speak out is to lose out. With one voice, patriotic Nigerians must speak out against indiscipline, injustice, non payment of workers' salaries and pensioners, unwarranted incessant workers' strike, deceit, ethnic, religious and political bigotry, wicked policies and acts, looting of the commonwealth, diversionary tactics. This is not the time for blame game and accusations and counter-accusations. It is time for positive action. Nigeria is our country and we must not allow it to fail and fall.

Lastly, when will the Federal Government of Nigeria honour the symbol of June 12, 1993, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, and other heroes and heroines of June 12, 1993? Notably, without June 12, 1993, Nigeria would not have been celebrating May 29, 1999. As a reminder, the then self-acclaimed Military President, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (1985-1993), who once called himself, 'evil genius', inflicted the everlasting injury on Nigerians by the cancellation of the presidential election of June 12, 1993, an election widely acclaimed to have been the fairest and the freest in Nigeria. It is the same retired military officers who are recycling themselves and calling the shots in politics in Nigeria. They are at the forefront. They dictate among themselves the governance of Nigeria. What a pity!

Arise, o compatriots.
God bless, protect and guide our Nigeria.
Most Rev. Ajakaye is Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Ekiti


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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Right Wing Fulani Colonization Drive : Genocide, Hegemony and Power in Nigeria, By Obadiah Mailafia

"[...] your several attempts (until recently) to understate the political-strategic significance of herdsmen violence in Nigeria? That perspective, as you've shared on several occasions, was informed by your childhood experiences of life among the "innocent" Bororo; hence, the "puerile" in my intervention. Your recent takes on this widening and recurring carnage shows a "more nuanced understanding" of the gravity of the challenge we face. It's different from the fura we used to drink! Toyin Adepoju on this list has on several occasions called you (and Moses) out to do a mea culpa on your earlier positions that were obviously informed by your puerile (from the genitive of the second declension of the Latin word puer -- boy/boyish) fantasies of the Fulani herdsmen." 

No, Oga Okey, you have completely misrepresented my views. In several of my articles, I have pointed out that there are four categories of Fulani people: the (urban), settled, non-cattle-herding Fulani (Hausa people call them "Fulanin gida," which literally means "house Fulani") who have lost their language, particularly in Nigeria's northwest, and who have intermarried with other ethnic groups; the (urban), settled, non-cattle-herding Fulani who are still wedded to their language, particularly in such northeastern states as Adamawa, Gombe, and Bauchi, and who may have relatives that still live in the "bushes"; the bucolic, seminomadic, cattle-herding Fulani (Hausa people call them "Fulanin daji," which literally means "bush Fulani") who live on the outskirts of several Nigerian communities; and the transhumant, rootless, perpetually migratory Bororo Fulani pastoralists (their endonym is Wodaabe) who have no physical or emotional attachment to any community. (There are, of course,  a few Fulani who speak their language in the northwest as there are who don't speak it in the northeast; I was just painting with a geographic broad brush here for taxonomic purposes).

The Fulani I lived with (who also raised my father until his preteen years) are the bucolic, seminomadic, cattle-herding Fulani who are often well-integrated into the fabric of the communities in which they live. They speak the local language of the communities in which they live and are often neither Muslims nor Christians. The restlessly itinerant cattle-herding Bororo Fulani have always been known to be violent. Even the bucolic, seminomadic cattle-herding Fulani who are part of the fabric of many Nigerian societies fear the Bororo Fulani. At no time did I ever write about "childhood experiences of [my] life among the 'innocent' Bororo." That's the product of your "mature fantasies." Only a person who knows nothing about the Fulani would even remotely suggest that the Bororo are "innocent." All my articles on the Fulani are archived on my blog and on Daily Trust's website. Several were shared on this list. Quote a single sentence--just one sentence--where I ever said I had childhood experiences living among the Bororo.

What I've actually said, on the contrary, is that the criminal, violent transgressions of Bororo cattle herders is often blamed on every Fulani, especially on the settled "bush" Fulani who are distinguished from the Bororo by, among other features, their ability to speak the local languages of the communities in which they live. For instance, when there was a bloody communal upheaval that pitted Fulani cattle herders against Yoruba farmers in northern Oyo State in 2000, the farmers carefully spared their "own Fulani"; their Fulani spoke Yoruba because they had always lived in the "bushes" of that community for hundreds of years and interacted with their hosts. Buhari found that out when he visited Oyo to intervene on behalf the Bororo. He quickly found out that it was neither an ethnic war (since the "bush" Fulani in the community were spared) nor a religious one (since most people in northern Oyo are Muslims and most of the Bororo pastoralists are, in fact, not).

You, Toyin Adepoju, and other emotional commentators miss this nuance. All you want is a mobbish, undifferentiated denunciation of all Fulani for the crimes of some of them. I have frankly stopped reading anything Toyin Adepoju writes on the Fulani, so I've missed where he called me to do a mea culpa. He knows nothing about the Fulani and just gives vent to the visceral urges he nurses about the people. I have better use for my time than read uninformed bile.

Unlike you and Adepoju, I am led by the evidence, not by visceral, predetermined perspectives on herders' murderous spree. I have called Miyetti Allah a terrorist organization because I've read several of their press statements taking responsibility for mass murders. I have called out Fulani political elite who condoned and defended the mass murders by herders. I have denounced Buhari, his minister of defense, and the Inspector General of Police for their insensate justification of the mass murders by herders and their insensitivity to the desperate plight of the victims of herders' mass slaughters. But I have not changed my opinion that all Fulani are not culpable for the sanguinary fury of their kind. That's not my moral bearing. Nor is it consistent with my intellectual temperaments. The "bush Fulani" have not ceased to be people I used to know because transhumant Bororo pastoralists have upped their murderous aggression against many communities in Nigeria.

Lastly, here is some friendly counsel to you on usage. If you didn't intend to cause offense, you should have replaced "puerile fantasies" with "childhood fantasies." After all, "childhood" is by far a more common word in conversational English than "puerile." The meaning of words is never stagnant; it evolves. To insist that words must mean what their roots suggest is called etymological fallacy. Outside of scientific contexts, the most dominant meaning of "puerile" is "displaying or suggesting a lack of maturity." It's synonymous with "childish." That's an out-and-out insult. There is no way to sugarcoat it.

Farooq

Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Journalism & Emerging Media
School of Communication & Media
Social Science Building 
Room 5092 MD 2207
402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, Georgia, USA 30144
Cell: (+1) 404-573-9697
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter: @farooqkperog
Author of Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World

"The nice thing about pessimism is that you are constantly being either proven right or pleasantly surprised." G. F. Will


On Wed, May 30, 2018 at 7:07 PM, Okey Iheduru <okeyiheduru@gmail.com> wrote:
Haba, Farooq! You're our most cherished in-house tutor of the English language. How could you have mistaken my use of "puerile" to refer to your May 28th, 2018 piece (which I acknowledged was fascinating), instead of your several attempts (until recently) to understate the political-strategic significance of herdsmen violence in Nigeria? That perspective, as you've shared on several occasions, was informed by your childhood experiences of life among the "innocent" Bororo; hence, the "puerile" in my intervention. Your recent takes on this widening and recurring carnage shows a "more nuanced understanding" of the gravity of the challenge we face. It's different from the fura we used to drink! Toyin Adepoju on this list has on several occasions called you (and Moses) out to do a mea culpa on your earlier positions that were obviously informed by your puerile (from the genitive of the second declension of the Latin word puer -- boy/boyish) fantasies of the Fulani herdsmen. 

And, I sincerely appreciate your not releasing all the powder in your canon, for a deeper "double take" on my "rant" may be warranted.

Okey

On Wed, May 30, 2018 at 7:32 AM, Farooq A. Kperogi <farooqkperogi@gmail.com> wrote:
Professor Iheduru,

I had to do a double take to be sure that you are actually the author of this sterile, unproductive rant. If you can't engage with the substance of an intervention because it's beyond your ken, it doesn't hurt to keep your emotions to yourself. How does one respond to this vacuous outburst of yours without transgressing the bounds of conversational civility? It's supremely ironic that a truly semantically puerile response tags other people's nuanced, substantive contributions as "puerile." Go look up the meaning of "puerile" and re-read what you wrote: you will see yourself in the semantic mirror. I have bothered to respond because I hold you in high esteem. You can do better than that!

Farooq

Farooq Kperogi, PhD
Associate Professor
Journalism and Emerging Media
School of Communication & Media
Social Science Building Room 5092
402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, GA 30144
Office phone: 470-578-7735
Fax: 470-578-9153
Cell: 404-573-9697
Website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter:@farooqkperogi

Sent from my 4G LTE Android device. Please forgive typos.

   

On Wed, May 30, 2018, 2:46 AM Okey Iheduru <okeyiheduru@gmail.com> wrote:
Diversions! Interesting diversions!! Fascinating "recreational" diversions!!! 

What have all this got to do with crux of Mailafia's piece: the perception and/or reality of officially-sanctioned genocidal activities of the FULANI herdsmen that are eerily similar to the FULANI CONQUEST IDEOLOGY AND TACTICS of Usman dan Fodio and Mohammed Bello? And, the later-day realization by Professors Moses Ochonu and Farook Kperogi that what's going on in Nigeria today is way beyond their fixation with their puerile fantasies about the Bororo and their "fura de nunu"?

On Tue, May 29, 2018 at 7:06 PM, Farooq A. Kperogi <farooqkperogi@gmail.com> wrote:
I only just now got a chance to read Obadiah Mailafia's article. While it makes excellent points in some some places, it played fast and loose with basic facts in many areas. I don't have time to write a detailed response to it, but here are three quick factual inaccuracies in the article that I wish to highlight:

1. The Musa Yar'adua family (of which the late President Umaru Musa Yar'adua was a scion) isn't, as Mailafia claims, Fulani; it is patrilineally descended from a Tuareg ancestor (the Tuareg are a branch of the Berber cluster in North Africa), whom Hausa people call Buzu. Another prominent Buzu family in northern Nigeria that people mistake for Fulani is the Baba-Ahmed family in Mailafia's Kaduna State. Similarly, the late Murtala Mohammed's paternal identity is the subject of elaborate, long-standing speculations, none of which points to a Fulani ethnicity. The most credible speculation, in my opinion, is one that says his father descended from northern Edo State. Several accounts give his father's name as Dako Mohammed who was said to have migrated to Kano from the village of Igbe in the Auchi area of Edo State. Given the number of "Auchi" people who rose to prominence in the Kano society (including the late multimillionaire Isyaku Rabiu and several others), this speculation isn't far-fetched. We know, of course, that his mother was a member of the powerful Inuwa Wada family in Kano, but if Mailafia can arbitrarily use Murtala's matrilineal lineage to determine his ethnicity and disregard his paternal lineage, then he should also denude Buhari of his Fulani ethnicity since Buhari's mother is half Hausa and half Kanuri.

2. There are two incumbent elected presidents in West Africa who self-identify as Fulani: Macky Sall of Senegal and Adama Barrow of the Gambia.The  Fulani are just about 18 percent of Senegal and 21 percent of the Gambia. Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Fulani man, was also Cameroon's president (actually the country's first president) from 1960 to 1982, even though the Fulani are only 10 percent of Cameroon's population. So Mailafia's notion of universally reviled, unredeemable Fulani demons whom no nation in West Africa wants to entrust with leadership at the highest level is not supported by the facts. Not everyone, obviously, is as obsessed with unreflective ethnic particularism as Mailafia is.

3. Mailafia's ethnic essentialist arguments are also so preposterous on so many levels that I don't even know where to begin. But let's start with the acknowledgement that identity is actually fiction, even if it's emotionally valid, politically consequential fiction. Mailafia himself has said several times on this list, before he disappeared, that he is part Fulani. The truth is, no one is pure anything. We are all ethnic "mongrels," whether we know it or not. We are all trapped in what Jean-Loup Amselle calls "Mestizo logics."

My recent interest in recreational genetics has solidified the truth of this mestizo logic of our ethnicity for me. I did an ancestry DNA for my mother and me a few months ago and found that I am 14 percent Asanti (I was able to determine the ethnicity because ancestry.com's database matched my mother with a 4th cousin from Ghana who turned out to be Asanti from Accra), 17 percent Malian (I haven't determined what Mailian ethnicity it is, but I suspect Bambara), 33 percent Benin Republic/Togo, and 34 percent Nigerian. (One percent is from Senega and another one percent from Congo/Cameroon). My mom, from whom I got my Asanti ancestry had not the foggiest idea that she had any ancestors from the Asanti. No one ever mentioned it to her. I knew she had Malian ancestry from the clan names of her forebears (Manneh and Toure), which are similar to names Mandinka/Mandingo/Bambara/Joula, etc. people bear in Mali, Senegal, the Gambia, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone, etc. But the oral history handed down to her says her ancestors came from Katsina and Borno. I have a slightly higher Malian DNA than she does, which means my father has a little bit of Malian DNA, too.

 And it's known to geneticists that several people in Mali, Guinea, the Gambia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, etc. embody complex ethnic alchemies, and it's reductionist to talk of ethnicity in the essentialist terms that Mailafia did in his article. For instance, Alpha Konare, Mali's president from 1992 to 2008, was born by a Fulani mother and a Bambara father, but he self-identifies as Bambara. The country's first president,  Modibo Keita, has a Fulani first name, although he didn't self-identify as Fulani. Several Guinean presidents who self-identified as Mandinka had Fulani mothers or grandmothers. Using the matrilineal logic Mailafia deployed to assign a Fulani ethnicity to Murtala Mohammed, many Guinean presidents would also qualify as Fulani. Don't even get me started on Nigeria: I won't end this intervention that was intended to be short. 

My own attitude to identity is that people are who they say and believe they are, even if that's not necessarily who they are. But given the originary syncretism of all modern ethnic identity, Mailiafia's nativist logic of Nigerian citizenship (which alienates people whose ancestors have been here before Nigeria was even conceived) is another (politically consequential) fiction. 

And this: "Usman Dan Fodio was himself wounded by the Tivs in Benue, of which he later died in April 1817." I actually laughed so loud when I read it that my wife thought something had come over me. Well, there are historians on this list. I leave to them to confirm or disconfirm this.

Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Journalism & Emerging Media
School of Communication & Media
Social Science Building 
Room 5092 MD 2207
402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, Georgia, USA 30144
Cell: (+1) 404-573-9697
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter: @farooqkperog
Author of Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World

"The nice thing about pessimism is that you are constantly being either proven right or pleasantly surprised." G. F. Will


On Mon, May 28, 2018 at 10:34 AM, 'Babayola M. Toungo' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:

OBADIAH MAILAFIYA: HATRED, BIGOTRY & INTELLECTUAL THUGGERY

 

Babayola M. Toungo

Mr. Obadiah Mailafiya is a person that I previously held in high esteem because of certain objectivity he brought to public discourse. However on reading his "Genocide, Hegemony and Power in Nigeria", this high esteem I had of him became diminished .  In the said article, Mailafiya tried strenuously to prove the allegation of genocide and hegemony against the Fulbes and their being aliens in Nigeria to the extent of rewriting history of the Fulbe to suit his attempt to re-write contemporaneous history . What is glaring in Mr. Mailafiya's essay is nothing but a furtherance of the myopic world view of colonial imperialism and present islamophobia exhibited elsewhere that others here in Nigeria wish to adopt and paint the Fulbe. I will say to Mailafiya  "Facts are sacred sir, therefore you can't change anything by lying through your teeth."  The man has always presented himself as an intellectual – what I have always struggled to understand is whether he is the academic or thuggish type.  He always comes across as a victim without a cause with a penchant to create villains on whom to hang his grievances.  In all, throughout the rambling piece he has penned, the only truth I could find in the article is his quotation form Gramsci. Which he failed to apply to the issues he was raising.

 

In his fixation of trying to hang the Fulbe he didn't bother to reconcile the contradictions inherent in his write-up.  For instance, he postulated that "historians the world over agree that the original home of the Fulani people is the Futa Jallon in the Upper Guinea highlands of the West African Republic of Guinea" who are these historians? The colonialist or Anglo-American pontificating culturalist who tried to make the world his or her own?  In the next breadth, he continued, "…the Fulani are thought to have emigrated from North Africa and the Middle East in ancient times, settling in the Futa Jalon Mountains…". There may be a different meaning for 'original', which I may have not come across.  For Mailafiya and his fellow dreamers, who crave for the establishment of a "Middle Belt" of their warped dreams, the Fulbes are original to every country and continent, bar Nigeria.  The Fulbes can't be Nigerians and therefore are fair game to be targeted for annihilation.  It is in this type of propaganda that pretext is provided or veiled "hate speech" given credence to provide the environment for ethnic cleansing. Mailafiya's attempt to re-write the history of the Fulbe is a message that could be interpreted that the Fulbe's origin is elsewhere therefore they are not Nigerians to enjoy the benefit of the rights of citizenship and therefore they could be treated at will and to their detriment.

 

Our good Doctor failed to tell us when the Fulbes came to Nigeria and the tribes they met in what is today known as Nigeria. But in the typical fashion of the emerging ethnic bigots masquerading as intellectuals, Mailafiya couldn't even crosscheck his facts about the Sokoto Jihad – where it was fought, Dan Fodio's participation and how it reached the Fombina.  Attempting to separate the Caliphate and the Fombina is part of the mischief of Mailafiya and his frustrated group who think they can wish away the past.  Nobody took the jihad to Tiv land and Shehu Usman Dan Fodio did not fight anywhere near Tivland for him to be 'wounded' in battle which led to his death.  Is this the new fable?  "Dream on sir." 

 

Mailafiya took time to detail the travails of the Fulbe in Guinea with relish and one can feel him practically drooling when he got to this part and how he wished this same thing can be applied as a final solution to the Nigerian "settler" Fulbes.  Oga, how do you present a people who could not rule in their "original ancestral land" as hegemonic in a country where the likes of you are the lords of the manor?  He glibly said the Fulbes are about 20 million spread all over West Africa, can he tell me any other tribe with such a spread and number in the west coast?

 

"The lack of political opportunities in Guinea explains why the Fulbes turned their attention to Nigeria," so proclaimed our sage. So the British Empire saw in the Fulbe a contemporaneous empire building traits indigenous to West Africa? And this is the narrative that the likes of Mailafiya want to perpetuate?  So Fulbes are just turning their attention to Nigeria? Compared to the history that Mailafiya is relying on, when did Nigeria come into being? Is it a construct of the British colonial enterprise? The Fulbes? Or the likes of Mailafiya? The great success of the Fulani jihad led by Shehu Usman Dan Fodio and his son Muhammadu Bello preceded the 1884 Berlin Conference and subsequent colonial chicanery of the French and English particularly in respect of what is now known as Nigeria. Were the Mailafiya's of this world represented at the Berlin Conference? Or in the Colonial administration of the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria or the amalgamated territories of Northern and Southern Protectorates?  Mailafiya reminded those who might have forgotten that the country had three leaders of Fulani extraction in the past – Shehu Shagari, Murtala Mohammed, Umaru 'Yar Adu'a "and the current incumbent of our High Magistracy Muhammadu Buhari".  Na wa wo!  Why was Buhari qualified as "High Magistracy"?  Mailafiya unwittingly showed his hand – the target all along is Buhari.  Lacking the courage and firm conviction to come out and attack Buhari, he chose the well-beaten path of ethnic hatred.

 

The whole article was a bunch of contradictory postulates.  What has come to be known as the "Sokoto Jihad" was never for slave raiding and other reasons Mailafiya wants to ascribe to it. The underlying reasons of the Sokoto Jihad have been well articulated that I could only advise Mailafiya to go and read the books written by the leaders of the Sokoto Jihad or latter day historians like the late Abdullahi Smith.   When the Imperial British came to this part of Africa, it was only the emirates that stood up to them and the British had to use superior firepower to subdue the emirs.  The British destroyed the emirates, not strengthened them.  Any elementary reading of history can tell you that.  I now know why many of the likes of Mailafiya are opposed to the teaching of history in our schools – so that they can rewrite it.  The British destroyed the Caliphal system because emirs under the Caliphate resisted the conquest, while others welcomed them with open arms.  Could the British, who were accompanied by Christian missionaries, be supportive of an Islamic Caliphate to the extent of supplanting existing Christian chiefdoms as alleged by our "erudite" scholar?  Can he tell us when the Berom chiefdom was created, before it was stealthily converted to that of Jos?

 

In attempting to demonise the Fulbe, Mailafiya glibly linked the Fulbe with slave raids in the Middle Belt. The usual "divide and rule" argument perpetrated by the British colonialist and now perpetuated by the likes of Mailafiya. Were the Fulbe jihadists ever in "his" middle belt?  I think what he is trying hard to hide (or deny) is the fact that he is failing to place the blame at the feet of those that sought to use our population to provide cheap labour whether here in Africa or their other colonies elsewhere in the world.  In all historical narrations by real scholars, I have never come across such brazen lie that Shehu Usman Dan Fodio took the jihad to the Tivs. That was not the modus operandi of the Sokoto Jihad. It was local leaders that were convinced of the egalitarian aspirations of the Sokoto Jihad that went to Sokoto or specifically to Shehu Usman Danfodio to declare their allegiance and be made part of the Sokoto Jihad. I hope Mailafiya understands the difference that the Sokoto Jihad was not about conquest of "geographical territory" in comparison to British Imperialism.  I therefore cannot fathom the point Mailafiya was trying to make here knowing he is lying through his teeth.  Feeding the minds of young innocent ones on a diet of hatred and bigotry?

 

The average Pullo hates being called a 'hausa-fulani' because such "new mongrel race" as postulated by Mailafiya, is a creation of his friends, the then Lagos – Ibadan press, just to compress the population of the two groups.  A term, or yet still – a new mongrel race – coined by Mailafiya and his challenged bedfellows, is now to be used as a weapon of hatred by the same people.  Claiming that most Fulbe are largely settled in urban Nigeria is admission clearly coated with bile.  To admit there are settled Fulbes in urban Nigeria is to jolt the narrative out of sync.  He rambled on about the Fulbes not able to speak Fulfulde, scattered across states like Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina and Kano.  I wonder what point he was trying to make by this assertion.  He alleged in his disjointed piece that the Fulbe are right now on a rampage of "killing, pillaging and burning down entire villages".  Why are they doing so?  Just for the heck of it?  History taught us about causes, courses and effects.  Not only do they kill, according to Mailafiya – they also destroy farmsteads and repopulate them with their own.  Can he be benevolent enough to give us the name of one such farmstead destroyed and repopulated by the Fulbe?

 

In the recent haste of ethnic profiling and hate mongering, I cannot remember coming across a poorly done hate crusade by someone strenuously trying to present himself as not preaching hate.  I will like everyone to read his piece and see how hatred and bigotry spew out.

 

If Mailafiya found the call by TY Danjuma to his people to come out and defend themselves to be in line with the Nigerian Constitution, in conformity with the sacred precepts of the Law of the Nation, Natural Justice, Equity, Good Conscience and the dictates of the Just Law Theory, why does he begrudge the Fulbe from enjoying such legal protection?

 

Intellectual thugs and a complicit media bred the Rwandan crisis.  The genocide started with dehumanizing the Tutsis (a Fulbe group) by politicians and their intellectual thugs in the media; the killings started and did not stop until about 800 thousand souls were wasted.  When the Tutsis gained control of the country in 1995, they restored peace, social harmony and egalitarian cohabitation that is genuinely federalist.  There have not been reported that the Hutu's have been harmed on a "retaliatory ethnic attacks by the Tutsis" because of who the President of Rwanda is. Neither did Kagame attempt to create hegemony for the Tutsi's because he is one.

 

Let's be well advised to be mindful of what we say in our utterances made public or in the public.


On Monday, 28 May 2018, 14:42:22 GMT+1, Oluwatoyin Adepoju <tvoluade@gmail.com> wrote:



---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Ugo Harris Ukandu abujarock@gmail.com [Edo_Global] <Edo_Global@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Wed, May 23, 2018 at 4:19 PM


 

Fulani Powerless in all of Africa but only in Nigeria do they have some power.


Genocide, Hegemony and Power in Nigeria, By Dr. Obadiah Mailafia a Former Central Bank of Nigeria Deputy Governor.

The Fulani who once enjoyed great political power as founders of empires are today largely powerless. Despite the fact that they constitute the single largest ethnic majority in their original homeland of Guinea, they have never enjoyed political power in that country. The ethnic composition of Guinea, according to recent estimates, is as follows: Fula (41%); Mandinka (33%); Susu (12%); Kissi (5%); Kpelle (5%); and others (4%).

Ever since independence from the French, Sekou Toure, an ethnic Mandinka, ruled the country with an iron hand. He was particularly hard on the Fula, whom he accused of plotting with the French to undermine his government. One of the prominent casualties was Diallo Telli, a Fula. He was the pioneer Secretary-General of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU) before becoming Minister of Justice under Sekou Toure. In March 1977 Toure accused him of being the arrowhead of a Fula complot to overthrow the government. He was thrown into the notorious Camp Boiro prison where he died a gruesome death.
Subsequent rulers of the country, from Louis Lansana Beavogui, Lansana Conté, Moussa Dadis Camara and the incumbent Alpha Condé, have all been non-Fula. It would seem that all the other ethnic groups have ganged up to ensure that a Fula will never rule over them. One of the closest who came to grabbing power was the brilliant Fula economist and banker Cellou Dalein Diallo. He had been prime minister under the late Lansana Conté where he acquitted himself as an effective administrator. He has become a rallying point of the opposition Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG).


Perhaps this explains why the Fulani have turned their attention to Nigeria. They remember the great success of the Fulani Jihad led by Usman Dan Fodio and his son Mohammed Bello. They believe that if they cannot establish hegemonic power in their own ancestral homeland then they have a right to turn to Nigeria, a land they believe was given to them by God Almighty Himself.   Today, the Fulani number about 20 million worldwide. They are spread all over West and central Africa, particularly Guinea, Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Ghana, Niger, Sudan, Chad, Mauritania, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and The Gambia. Their population is between 7 and 8 million in their original homeland in Guinea.





ABUJA (Sundiata Post) The Italian Marxist political philosopher Antonio Gramsci was one of the most original thinkers of the twentieth century. I admire his freshness of approach and his critical spirit in approaching issues of domination and power in world politics. Gramsci invented the notion of "hegemonia" (hegemony) to explain the structure and anatomy of domination in political society. He identified varying forms of domination economy, culture and politics. According to him, dominant elites manipulate capital, political power, ideas, information and knowledge to consolidate their stranglehold on society. Hegemony can be so effective that the people dominated begin to accept their fate as a part of the natural order and the best of all possible worlds. I find this concept of hegemony so relevant with what is going on in relation to the genocide being perpetrated by the Fulani militias in the Middle Belt of our country today.

Historians the world over agree that the original home of the Fulani people is Futa Jallon (also known in the French as Fouta Djallon) in the Upper Guinea highlands of the West African Republic of Guinea. Also known as Fula, Fulbe or Pullo, the Fulani are thought to have emigrated from North Africa and the Middle East in ancient times, settling in the Futa Jallon Mountains and intermarrying with the local population and creating a unique ethnic identity based on cultural and biological miscegenation.

Futa Jallon is also the source of the great River Niger that undulates a vast region of our beloved West Africa; traversing over 4,000 km. It is a region of great beauty, with a near-temperate climate. It has been described by a European visitor as "the Switzerland of Africa". The Malian writer and ethnologist Amadou Hampaté Ba famously described Futa Jallon as "the Tibet of West Africa", on account of its surfeit of Muslim clerics, Sufi mystics, itinerant students and preachers.

The second traditional home of the Fulani is Futa Toro, by the banks of the Senegal River in the current nation of Senegal.

Over the centuries the Fulani converted to Islam and some of them became zealous Muslim clerics and itinerant proselytisers. Through war and conquest they formed several kingdoms, among them Tukolor, Massina, the Caliphate of Usman Dan Fodio and Fombina in the early nineteenth century.

Today, the Fulani number about 20 million worldwide. They are spread all over West and central Africa, particularly Guinea, Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Ghana, Niger, Sudan, Chad, Mauritania, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and The Gambia. Their population is between 7 and 8 million in their original homeland in Guinea.

The Fulani are the world's largest single pastoral ethnic community, ahead of the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania and the Karamajong of Uganda. Out of their population of 20 million, a third are pastoralists while the rest are settled, sedentary communities consisting of farmers, traders, artisanal craftsmen and Muslim clerics.

The Fulani who once enjoyed great political power as founders of empires are today largely powerless. Despite the fact that they constitute the single largest ethnic majority in their original homeland of Guinea, they have never enjoyed political power in that country. The ethnic composition of Guinea, according to recent estimates, is as follows: Fula (41%); Mandinka (33%); Susu (12%); Kissi (5%); Kpelle (5%); and others (4%).

Ever since independence from the French, Sekou Toure, an ethnic Mandinka, ruled the country with an iron hand. He was particularly hard on the Fula, whom he accused of plotting with the French to undermine his government. One of the prominent casualties was Diallo Telli, a Fula. He was the pioneer Secretary-General of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU) before becoming Minister of Justice under Sekou Toure. In March 1977 Toure accused him of being the arrowhead of a Fula complot to overthrow the government. He was thrown into the notorious Camp Boiro prison where he died a gruesome death.
Subsequent rulers of the country, from Louis Lansana Beavogui, Lansana Conté, Moussa Dadis Camara and the incumbent Alpha Condé, have all been non-Fula. It would seem that all the other ethnic groups have ganged up to ensure that a Fula will never rule over them. One of the closest who came to grabbing power was the brilliant Fula economist and banker Cellou Dalein Diallo. He had been prime minister under the late Lansana Conté where he acquitted himself as an effective administrator. He has become a rallying point of the opposition Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG).


But it would seem that the rest of the ethnic groups are already determined that they would never be ruled by the Fula, who remain the majority as well as being the most educated and among the most moneyed classes. The Mandinka, the Susu and others believe the Fula are a highly clannish and racist group and that once they seize power, they would turn the rest of them into slaves in their own ancestral homeland.

Perhaps this explains why the Fulani have turned their attention to Nigeria. They remember the great success of the Fulani Jihad led by Usman Dan Fodio and his son Mohammed Bello. They believe that if they cannot establish hegemonic power in their own ancestral homeland then they have a right to turn to Nigeria, a land they believe was given to them by God Almighty Himself. They have been encouraged by the fact that the population of Fulanis in Nigeria is even threatening to overtake that of their original home in Guinea. They are also inspired by the fact that three Nigerian leaders have been of the Fulani ethnic extraction, namely, Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, Murtala Ramat Mohammed (through his mother), Umaru Yar'Adua and the current incumbent of our High Magistracy Muhammadu Buhari.
Under the Nigerian constitution, the Government of Nigeria has a duty to cater for all our citizens. Unfortunately, the Fulani from throughout West Africa and beyond believe Nigeria belongs to them by right. They are under this illusion that they can come from across the border with their cattle and the next day, have a right to demand land for settlement. They also forget that under the ECOWAS Protocol on the movement of peoples, visitors from our region can live only for 3 months as visitors. If they plan to live beyond the statutory 3 months they have to apply to regularise their stay. Unfortunately, recent Fulani emigrants recognise no such regulations. They can come today and tomorrow they are demanding all the rights and privileges appertaining to all bona fide citizens. Not only that, they are laying legal claims to ancestral lands belonging to the peoples of Benue, Taraba, Plateau and the rest of the Middle Belt.

Before the arrival of the British, the Fulani spearheaded raids throughout the Middle Belt in a bid to capture slaves and for material booty, land and conquest. The peoples of the Middle Belt heroically resisted them. Usman Dan Fodio was himself wounded by the Tivs in Benue, of which he later died in April 1817. Perhaps it was on account of this that the Fulani established a relationship of "abokanin wasa" (playmates) with the Tivs. For the better part of a century, the Tivs regarded the Fulanis as their friends and playmates. This relationship has foundered on the full realisation of their renewed ambitions for conquest, subjugation, genocide and dispossession.


During the era of British colonial rule, the Caliphate was strengthened to bolster the moral economy of British imperial power. The Emirs were strengthened to lord it over the peoples of the Middle Belt, so long as they were satisfying the expectations of the colonial masters. Thus it came about that Emirs were created in areas that were 99% Christian, including such areas as Jema'a, Lafia, Keffi, Jere and Wase. They were even touting with the idea of creating emirates in Makurdi and Jos, were it not for the grace of God! Where they could not create new emirates the people were placed under the tutelage of Caliphal feudal overlords. A good example is the Tiv people, who for many years in the fifties and sixties were placed under the tutelage of the Emir of Muri.

In Nigeria the original Habe Hausa peoples have become integrated into a new mongrel race known as "Hausa-Fulani". It is a constructed identity of very recent times. Most Fulani in today's Nigeria are largely a settled urban community. Today, their foot soldiers are their pastoralist herdsmen that they have armed with sophisticated weapons to wreck bloodshed and pillage throughout the vast expanses of our ancestral savannah homeland in the Middle Belt. The Fulbe language is rarely spoken by most Fulanis in Nigeria.

Contemporary Fulbe speakers are to be found mainly in Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina and Kano. Although all the Emirs are Fulanis, you are most unlikely to hear their language spoken in their palaces. Hausa has become their lingua franca.

By lumping themselves as Hausa-Fulani, the Fulanis have successfully hidden their oppressive stranglehold on Northern Nigeria. The truth is that the Hausa people make up the bulk of the Talakawa. No Hausa person could ever aspire to be Emir. The Fulani have successfully exploited the Caliphate to consolidate their stranglehold over the North and over the rest of Nigeria which they believe to be their patrimony by right.

What the peoples of the Middle Belt today face is a tragedy that can best be described as genocide. Fulani militias in their thousands have been rampaging across the primeval savannah, killing, pillaging and burning down entire villages. Not only do they maim and kill; they destroy farmsteads and repopulate them with their own people.

I myself do not believe in preaching hatred. We must preach the gospel of love. We would never advocate for people to go about hunting Fulanis and doing reprisal killings. But nobody should deny the leaders of the victim communities the right to voice their legitimate concerns. When General T. Y. Danjuma raised alarm about it, he was told to "use his influence wisely". General Danjuma urged his people to "defend themselves", which is not only in line with the constitution of Nigeria; it is in conformity with the sacred precepts of the Law of Nations, Natural Justice and the dictates of Just Law Theory. The

customs and international laws of war since time immemorial demand that people who face a direct threat to their own existential survival have a duty and right to engage in legitimate self-defence. It is not only a principle derived from law, it derives from morality and international ethics.

By Dr. Obadiah Mailafia a Former Central Bank of Nigeria Deputy Governor.

__._,_.___

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