THE KANO DECLARATION
Progressives and the Pro-Democracy Movement in Nigeria: Fifty Years of Struggle
In continuation of the series of events marking Nigeria's 50 anniversary, the Left and progressive persons converged at the Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Research and Training in Kano on the 24th and 25th of November 2010. The meeting was jointly organised by the Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Research and Training, the Centre for Research and Documentation and the Politics of Development Group of Stockholm University. The purpose of the Conference was for the Left and progressives to reflect on their contributions to the construction of democracy in the country. The occasion was graced by numerous comrades with long standing association with various organizations of the Left and democracy activism It was also attended by foreign friends from countries such as Sweden, Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Norway.
The conference was an occasion for the celebration of ideas. Of recognising that over the past fifty years, the ideas of progress, social change, development and transforming the lives of the masses for the better have always been championed by the small but articulate Left and progressive circle in Nigeria. Indeed, it was with the relative decline of leftist ideology over the past two decades that Nigeria descended into the current regime that is governed by sheer and absolute greed, self interest and self aggrandisement.
1) Pro-Democracy Movement: Understanding a Nebulous Concept
Historically, the Nigerian Left has defined itself as a group committed to socialism. At the same time, the Left has always defined the path of progress as one that is routed through the "national democratic revolution". Democracy was however always defined as the route to the higher ideals of an egalitarian society based on socialism. For the Left therefore, the pro-democracy movement must lead beyond the confines of liberal democracy. The reality however is that since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Left has had serious difficulties describing for itself, a new vision of democracy. The result is that Left activism is pre-occupied today with the struggle for liberal democracy at the same time that lamentations about its limits are rife.
2) History
The Conference noted the fundamental problem of historiography the Left faces when it tries to write and analyse its own history. There is no documentation as its practice of secretive operations to avoid detection by the state and its intelligence agencies means its own historical memories are short circuited by lack of documentation and too much is left to unreliable memories of comrades. It is in this context that it was resolved that efforts towards the reconstitution of archives and historical reconstruction should be prioritised.
Left forces in Nigeria had been influenced by the great revolutionary ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin. In Nigeria, a number of leading cadres such as Michael Imoudu, Ola Oni, Eskor Toyo, Dapo Fatogun, Hassan Sumonu, Baba Omojola, Akin Fadahunsi, Toye Olorode and Edwin Madunagu have also inspired many people. The inspiration of the Left also came with the promise of the defunct Soviet Union that the mobilisation unleashed by socialism can generate the electricity and steel that would industrialise the economy in a couple of decades. And then, the Berlin Wall collapsed and the Soviet Union disintegrated provoking disillusion for some and disorientation for others.
The core of the progressive left however never gave up struggle. Having been schooled in the Leninist theory of organisation aimed at precipitating the "national democratic revolution, their energy was transferred to the struggle against military rule and for the expansion of human rights. This resulted in the development of an alliance between the progressives, the lawyers, journalists and the judicial system which has been based on the fact that the principles and practice of the rule of law have been constantly violated and threatened by successive military and civilian regimes.
In this context, one of the most frightening moments for the alliance was the enactment by the Buhari regime of Decree no. 2 of 1984 which allowed the Chief of General Staff to detain citizens for extended periods without charging them to court. The decree suspended the important instrument of 'habeas corpus' that citizens could use to compel the state to produce detainees in court. It should be remembered that in April 1961, the three 'National Government' leaders; Ahmadu Bello, Michael Okpara and Tafawa Balewa met and decided to enact this type of detention law but resistance to their plans were too strong. It took the Nigerian state 23 years of 'effort' to be able to impose this repugnant law. The Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), and the Nigerian Organisation of Democratic Lawyers needed to emerge to confront the threat.
The most significant aspect of the history of the Nigerian Left has been the establishment of numerous political groups and alliances that were neither sustained nor developed a mass base. These include political groups that were set up purposely to struggle for democracy such as the Alliance for Democratic Rights (ADR), the National Democratic Movement (NDM), Campaign for Democracy (CD), United Action for Democracy (UAD)and the Democratic Alternative (DA). Others were Marxist-Leninist parties and movements such as the Socialist Working Peoples' Party (SWPP), Socialist Party of Workers and Farmers (SPWFP), Socialist Congress of Nigeria (SCON). Mention should also be made of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), JACON and the Pro-National Conference Movement (PRONACO).
3) Strengths
What emerged from the conference was that the greatest strength of the Left has been its passion and commitment to the development of democracy and the promotion of equality. This has been translated through struggles for nation building, gender equality, human rights and the rule of law into the defeat of military rule and the development of a formal liberal democratic state. It is the Left that has been able to demonstrate that democracy is a progressive feature of political society because it is based on the premise that all human beings are free and equal. It is a progressive principle for the organisation of society even if it is true that democratic principles are not fully implemented in the societies that lay claim to it, a gap exists between enunciated democratic principles and 'really existing democracies'.
Of course, the problem with liberal democracy is that it neglects the need for economic equality and social justice. This is why the Left believes strongly that liberal democracy is not enough. The conclusion of the Conference was that the Left must never give up on the task of building the capacity and will to engender social movements that could bring economic equality and social justice back into the democratic agenda of empowering the people.
4) Weaknesses
The review of the history of the Left highlighted one major lacuna. The Nigerian Left has been unable to develop or build up on attempts to galvanise popular movements in the country. Two notable examples were highlighted. The first was the inability to build on the mass mobilisation carried out by Herbert Macaulay and Michael Imoudu during the Second World War culminating in the 1945 Strike on the Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) demanded by the unions. At the end of the day, Nnamdi Azikiwe was able to de-activate both the radical Zikist Movement and the radical trade unionists inspired by Michael Imoudu.
The second major opportunity that was lost was the prolongation of the NEPU tradition when PRP won the gubernatorial elections in Kaduna and Kano states in 1979. Immediately victory was obtained, the two governors – Balarabe Musa and Abubakar Rimi delinked from their base in the PRP. A majority of the Nigerian Left sided with the educated Governors rather than the mass base of the party which was still controlled by Aminu Kano. The result was that the PRP in government was unable to galvanise the mass movement of the talakawa to impact on the conduct of government business.
Over the last fifty years, the left has been immersed in the struggle against military rule. The left has been eminently qualified for this having been schooled in the radical tradition of the progressive student's movement and the Academic Staff Union of Universities and have cut their teeth in journalism, trade unionism and civil society activism in human rights organisations. In spite of, or rather, because of their ideological training, the Left became powerful agitators of the liberal state based on the rule of law even if in our own thinking, we were keenly engaged in the struggle for socialism and uplifting the masses from poverty and squalor. The Nigerian Left, has been the champions of the promotion of liberal democratic rights. Their key ally has been the legal and judicial system. It has been a powerful ally because Nigeria has an old tradition of the production of a large crop of lawyers engaged in private practice for whom the emergence and improvement of the rule of law and a regime of rights is a professional and political necessity.
5) Comparative Lessons
The major lessons drawn from the comparative examples of Indonesia, India, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Algeria presented in the Conference was that there are no inevitability of outcome and that policy options and agency matter. This is in spite of the fact that globalisation and imperialism under the aegis of the Bretton Woods institutions impose structural constraints which limit action.
6) Preparing the Future: Political Tasks
The focus of the Left must remain the struggle for the transformation of the Nigerian state into a democratic developmental one. In so doing, the Left must be mindful of the fact that its actions over the past two decades have not been informed by a coherent theory. Indeed, while Marxist ideology has been espoused, practice has been more focused on liberal democracy. Indeed, since 1999, the activism of the Left has been narrowly focused on electoral reform.
The Left must remain focused in the grand tradition of being the engine room of human progress, freedom and equality with increased activism in the struggle against oppression, exploitation and discrimination. In so doing, building a mass movement capable of moving Nigeria to a brighter future remains the imperative.
Ibrahim Jibrin Y. Z. Ya'u
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