Colonel Gaddafi's overthrow has highlighted the country's Arab
heritage and created divisions within the continent
Knox Chitiyo
guardian.co.uk, Sunday 18 September 2011 15.30 EDT
African Union leaders visited Tripoli in April to try to negotiate a
truce between Gaddafi and rebel forces. Photograph: Mahmud Turkia/AFP/
Getty Images
For decades, Libya has been an integral part of Africa. Indeed Sirte,
the Colonel Gaddafi stronghold where fighting still continues, was the
birthplace of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963. About a
quarter of indigenous Libyans are black, while African migrant workers
in Libya exceed one million; and during his 40-year rule Gaddafi
championed pan-Africanism and African multiculturalism.
But the Libyan uprising, while toppling the old order, has also become
an ugly race war. The rebels were angry that black African mercenaries
were hired to buttress the old regime – even though most of them were
actually migrant workers or indigenous black Libyan soldiers. And a
misperception has taken hold of all black Africans being mercenaries
which has led to the persecution of African immigrants and black
Libyans.
Human Rights Watch and the African Union have called for an end to
brutal reprisals, including torture, mass killings and arbitrary
arrest. Many attacks seem premeditated. This has led to the question:
can Libya still be seen as an "African" country?
The revolution has moved Libya into the democratic wave of the Arab
spring. There will be continued interactions between Libya and Africa;
but culturally, ideologically and financially, Libya has moved towards
a greater identification with its north African, Middle Eastern and
south Mediterranean neighbours. Libya is embracing its Arab heritage.
In a way this should be no surprise: Gaddafi's embrace of pan-
Africanism, while popular south of the Sahara, had little backing from
Libyans. But the question of support for Libya's revolution has
divided sub-Saharan Africa.
Only 20 of the African Union's 53 member nations have so far
recognised the National Transitional Council. The AU itself has not
yet recognised the NTC – the fact that a head of state has been
unconstitutionally ousted from power by force is against the AU
charter. But in addition there is a genuine sense of grievance that UN
Resolution 1973, which authorised "necessary force" to protect
civilians, has been used to bring about regime change. And the
reprisals against black Africans have stoked anger across the
continent. Nevertheless, the outcome of the recent AU meeting in South
Africa hints at a likely recognition of the NTC, and a new
partnership.
There is much at stake in how this relationship plays out. The NTC
will need Africa's assistance to prevent dissidents from using
neighbouring countries as bases for new insurgencies. There will also
have to be discussions between the NTC and its neighbours on African
immigration, including the situation for African refugees – for
decades, Libya has been a staging post for African migrants trying to
cross the Mediterranean, which has inflamed racial tensions.
In addition there is the threat that, at some point, NTC and rebel
military leaders could find themselves arraigned alongside Gaddafi's
former commanders, on trial for abuses against civilians.
If Libya is to retain its vital African migrant labour force and
African goodwill, it will have to end the pogroms and improve its
treatment of indigenous and foreign African workers. But Africa has
also had to get real. Libya's role as the ideological and financial
engine of Africa has ended, but the continent should not punish the
Libyan people for this, or for receiving western support. Libya is
their country, after all.
Africa's civil society and business leaders have already recognised
that the new Libya is not "owned" by Africa. There are deals to be
done, and Africa cannot afford to be on the wrong side of history. The
AU needs to understand that its failure to speak out against the use
of black mercenaries to kill Libyans, and its heralding of Gaddafi as
a "brother leader" during its visit in April, cost it dearly in terms
of credibility. Nato air attacks which killed dozens of civilians have
rightly been criticised, but Africa also needed to speak out about
abuses committed by Gaddafi's forces.
The momentous changes of the Arab spring herald the emergence of a new
African dynamic. Pan-Africanist ideals of solidarity and African
empowerment continue to resonate; but we may also be moving towards a
"post-Africanism" – an Africa which sees itself as part of an
interlinked global community. In some ways, we are moving towards an
Africa without borders – a globalised Africa. Thus Africa should not
wallow in Afro-pessimism about "losing Libya". We never "had" Libya.
The new Libya, warts and all, is an opportunity for Africa, not a
threat to be punished. Africa should engage with the new Libya and, in
so doing, with itself.
--
You received this message because you are subscribed to the "USA-Africa Dialogue Series" moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin.
For current archives, visit http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
For previous archives, visit http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue-
unsubscribe@googlegroups.com
No comments:
Post a Comment