Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Chinua Achebe reflects on Biafra, but for whom?

It is sad when one pontificates over issues beyond his competence with the certainty which only profound ignorance breeds. The assertion that it is a long time to write a memoir about the Biafran war is a very lame argument that only consolidated ignorance could bring to the table of discourse. Books and memoirs are still being written about World War II. The Germans are still doing historical documentaries and surviving participants in World War II to come out with their stories. Don't forget that WWII more than 3 decades ago. So, the fact is that it is never too late to tell the truth.

Furthermore, the fact remains that half-baked knowlege leads to intellectual constipation. This review below is a constipated effort to push out one's bowels over a book that one has not even read. The reviewer should have read the book and not an article on the Guardian alone. What Achebe wrote could be gleaned in its fullness in the book. And no amount of reviews of an article would do justice to the depth and breadth that Achebe; a historical witness to the war brought to his rendition of what he experienced.

Those who have canonized Awolowo or crowned him a demi-god in their pantheons are within their rights to do so. But Awolowo is on record as the guy that introducing the most of atavistic form of tribalism into the Nigerian political space. Awo's renegade policies and ethnocentric insularity did not start with the civil war. It started with the Western Nigeria Parliamentary elections. Achebe has never cowered from stating the truth the way he knows it. He did it in the trouble with Nigeria. So, those who are shedding tears over a reaffirmation of a stand that Achebe has taken since he started entering an opinion on the civil war, should go and drink some cool aid.

Nigeria will never progress until the ghosts of Biafra are appeased. That is what Achebe, the oracle is out to remind us all. Until we review Biafra and see how to bury the rotten cadavers of ethnocentric mediocrity that led to the massacre of over 3 million Igbos in a genocide designed in Whitehall and given to Nigerian Igbophobes to implement to the letter; Nigeria will continue to be a basket case.

Franklyne Ogbunwezeh

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What constitutes a disservice to our faculty of judgment, however, is to place obstacles in the way of assembling truth's fragments, remaining content with a mere one- or two-dimensional projection where a multidimensional and multifaceted apprehension remains open, accessible and instructive.

Wole Soyinka, Between Truth and Indulgences

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From: Chambi Chachage <chambi78@yahoo.com>
To: USA Africa Dialogue <USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Monday, October 8, 2012 9:24 PM
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Chinua Achebe reflects on Biafra, but for whom?

Chinua Achebe reflects on Biafra, but for whom?

OCTOBER 8, 2012 BY SEAN JACOBS LEAVE A COMMENT

Guest Post by Olajumoke Verissimo
It is a long time already since the Biafran War (1967-1970) to write a memoir, and it makes me wonder how affective Chinua Achebe's narrative in The Guardian is to his audience. Achebe's new book, There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra appears to have reopened old wounds and resulted in widespread debate, whether in op-ed columns, on blogs or on social media.

I question, however, if it is possible for Achebe to remain faithful to a forty-five year-old war story? While it is important to account for history for posterity's sake, when left too long, it might decline in veracity and become romanticised. I found an example in an excerpt of Achebe's book quoted in the review by writer (and Achebe admirer)Chimamanda Adichie, where Achebe relays the death of his beloved friend, the poet Christopher Okigbo (Achebe has described him on occasion  as "Africa's greatest modern poet") to his family:

When I finally got myself home and told my family, my three-year-old son, Ike, screamed: 'Daddy don't let him die!' Ike and Christopher had been special pals. When Christopher came to the house the boy would climb on his knees, seize hold of his fingers and strive with all his power to break them while Christopher would moan in pretended agony. 'Children are wicked little devils,' he would say to us over the little fellow's head, and let out more cries of feigned pain.

I stopped. How would a three-year-old conceive of death this imaginatively? This for me appears to be an affective narration of an adult's hurtful experience transferred to a child. Is it not possible that other narrations in the story have also been idealised? Interestingly, this "much awaited" book is supposed to be a response to the war, and perhapsto  become a reference point, as there are, in his words: "little relevant literature that helps answer these questions."

Achebe's Guardian article, for me, seems to have ended up promoting a self-serving perspective that encourages ethnocentricity. It has furthered ethnic cyber-war on social media and online pages of national newspapers like the The Nation, Punch, and in theVanguard Newspaper, where a review of the book generated hate comments like:

You will never see me in a Yoruba Church, I don't care if the pastor's name is Jesus. This people lie like their father the devil, do you wonder why even the Hausa hates them, is not ironically that despite everything, Hausa's still find Igbos more credible and trustworthy than Yorubas, even the south-south people can no longer trust this debased Yoruba characters, archtechs of crime and yet like the devil, always accusing others of sin, when they live and dine with the devil everyday. OGBONI-YORUBA MEANS SATAN WITH YORUBA, THE ONLY IGNORANT RACE THAT HAS PATH WITH THE DEVIL IN NIGERIA. (sic)

Some of the comments in The Guardian suggest that Achebe is propagating Igbo propaganda, especially, with his slight on Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who is accused of encouraging starvation during the war with his now infamous quote: "All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don't see why we should feed our enemies fat in order for them to fight harder." Ironically, this action was commended by Alex Ekwueme in a Vanguard article in 2010 as an act that displayed Awolowo as "a prudent manager of human and material resources by maintaining strict fiscal discipline in government spending and equally ensured that the Federal Government did not borrow money to fight the war."

The Biafran War defined many things about Nigeria's future. My father once told me that "we stopped being Nigerians after Biafra." Many Igbos believe they have always been marginalised and were never really a part of the country before the war and even after. The debate on the marginalisation of the Igbo deepens each time the Federal Government is accused of attempting to exterminate Igbos during the Biafra war. Forty-five years since the war, this dirge is again revived in Chinua Achebe's Guardian contribution.

Perhaps there are those who still see Achebe as a credible source for understanding Nigeria's history and even that his newly published book would enlighten Nigeria on the ethnic divide since the 1966 war, it is important to note that it is not just the Biafran War that is missing in Nigeria's school curriculum at this time; history and social studies have for a long time not been taught to students.

What is worrisome is that forty-five years after this war, it is difficult to know who exactly Achebe's audience is: the Nigerian who lacks history or those with a manipulated history told to them by foreign media and regurgitated by the local media.

* Jumoke Verissimo is the author of I Am Memory. She is a postgraduate student of African Studies (Performance Studies), Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Her Twitter handle: @awapointe.

 

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