Friday, May 31, 2013

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Onyezili: Chinua Achebe, every inch a Nigerian

"With his There was a country, Achebe hit the cruciate nerve and ruptured the portal artery of writers, politicians, academics and even plain journeymen, particularly of the Yoruba kind. But let me be clear: Although the erstwhile de facto Vice Head of the Nigerian state during the civil war was not your detribalised Nigerian by any figment of imagination, I don't agree with Achebe when he blames Awolowo for the extermination, through malnutrition, of hundreds of thousands of children and women during our country's civil war of which, having lived the entire duration of the conflict in Biafra as an adult in my twenties, I claim a hands-on perspective. My opinion is that most of the blame should rest on the General who committed his people to war propelled almost only by his own ambition and arrogance when fully aware his troops were ill-prepared and lacked even the most rudimentary of hardware to effectively prosecute the war. In the same vein, my view is that Achebe's claim that Igbo are the most progressive people in Nigeria is thoroughly debateable, probably far more arguable than the question of the Igbo political class that, even right now, is still seemingly irredeemably mercantilist, consistently selling out its own for the proverbial mess of porridge."


http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&%3Bview=article&%3Bid=123019%3Aonyezili-chinua-achebe-every-inch-a-nigerian&%3Bcatid=38%3Acolumnists&%3BItemid=615#.UakeYevjA1U.facebook

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - U-Report: Ken Nnamani, Others To Honour CD President In Anambra State

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: Fw: OBAMA’S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA

All said and done, US – Nigeria relations are good and just as with most relationships, there's room for improvement. From the US administration's point of view perhaps this is not the best time for such a visit - but surely there must be other occasions such as the upcoming October 1 Independence celebrations when goodwill invitations are usually extended to best friends. I would imagine that for the US, courting African nations and their public opinion would be of the essence – and that it's not only e a matter of establishing Africom and expecting the roses to grow by themselves and form bouquets without any attention and pruning from the gardeners / cultivators. Considering the competition from China which is more and more making her presence felt on the African continent – in my opinion it's all the more reason why the US needs to cultivate the US- Africa friendships – especially with an African-American president who again I would imagine would also be turning on his natural charm with a charm offensive in Africa. I know that with the people of China even in interpersonal relationships, friendship if of the essence – and friendship is something that has to be cultivated. The ease with which Chinese diplomats establish a rapport with African leaders is testimony of a relationship which is in the ascendant.


The Chinese diplomat asks "We make friendship ?" - I suppose that's what you ask the Chinese woman too ( and less of the big grammar and 1000 Phds etc) and invariably the whole-hearted answer is "Yes" and then there's some walking hand- in-hand or arm-in arm and the deal – whatever deal - is concluded – and there again, without any extensive lectures from China about Human Rights issues or the dignity of labour or about the dollar a day or the cringe or starve conundrum...


SO, I'm also looking forward to hearing Brother Obama saying , " God bless Nigeria" and reaping the tremendous effects of saying those three simple words...


http://www.thelocal.se/blogs/corneliushamelberg/




On Friday, 31 May 2013 08:10:05 UTC+2, ayo_ol...@yahoo.com wrote:
Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless handheld from Glo Mobile.

From: Tope Olaiya <esty...@yahoo.com>
Date: Tue, 28 May 2013 04:16:28 -0700 (PDT)
ReplyTo: Tope Olaiya <esty...@yahoo.com>
Subject: OBAMA'S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA

OBAMA'S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA
AYO OLUKOTUN
Barring an unlikely politically negotiated detour, United States President, Barack Obama and his wife Michelle, will not visit Nigeria on their forthcoming African tour, billed to take them to Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania between June 26 and July 3.The White House announced last week the exclusion of Nigeria from Obama's African itinerary as a way of delivering a strong message to the country's rulers on their slack, anti corruption policy and poor human rights record. Subsequent reports on the matter, however, indicate that Nigeria's ambassador to the United States, Professor Ade Adefuye, is exploring the possibility of getting the United States to change its mind by reinserting Nigeria on the list of countries to be visited by Obama.
Flash back to the twilight months of 1975 when General Murtala Muhammed at the time Nigeria's Head of State pointedly rebuffed United States Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who had proposed to visit Nigeria, and see what a sea change has occurred in Nigeria's foreign policy as well as national self worth. In that glorious season, we called the bluff of the United States; today we cringe before that same country, beseeching it to consider Nigeria worthy of being visited by its president. By way of explanation, let us recall that Muritala's government and to a lesser extent the successor government of General Olusegun Obasanjo were reformist, nationalist and enjoyed popular legitimacy on account of proven, not rhetorical achievements. Nigeria relished the spotlight as a haven for anti-colonial rebels across the continent including those from apartheid South Africa.
It must be recorded as a touching irony that South Africa, whose liberation was in the 1970's and early 1980's, a defining and much acclaimed credo of our vigorous foreign policy is listed today on Obama's itinerary while Nigeria the liberator is shoved aside. What has changed about Nigeria that it should now become the butt of the derisive snubbing and dismissive scorn around the globe? In the 1970's there was a nation around which nationalism could be projected. Today, the nation is imploding, and retreating to its least common denominators. That is why an Asari Dokubo can threaten war, if his kinsman loses the election in 2015; and insurgent Islam can institute a reign of terror, verging on attempted secession in another part of the country. Nigeria is viewed with the contempt that one reserves for a neighbouring family whre husband and wife square up to each other in fisticuffs on the verandah, disturbing the peace of the entire neighbourhood.
That is not all. A diminution of leadership is today superimposed on a crisis of governance, with predictable diminishing returns for governmental output. South Africa, a federation like Nigeria obviously has its problems but it had as president and now statesman, Nelson Mandela who put his country on the world map both by bridge-building skills and by quitting office when the ovation was loudest. As the ongoing, tawdy squabble in the Nigerian Governor's Forum (NGF) shows, much of it engineered from outside, dishonourable shenanigans and dishonesty rule the political roost, mainly because of what Chief Awolowo was fond of calling "tenacity of office". Let us face it. There is hardly anything in the United States' dressing down of Nigeria that has not been pointed out by civil society and, permit the self indulgence, by this columnist. What domestic and international reactions did the Jonathan administration expect when it granted state pardon to a former Bayelsa state governor, who is on the list of wanted persons in several countries around the globe? Should not that decision have been weighed in the light of the government's loudly advertised anticorruption policy and of global public opinion?
Now the rub. As condemnations at home and abroad trailed the state pardon, with a United States journalist calling for the impeachment of Jonathan, our president was quoted to have said that he has no regrets for taking that universally denounced step. In other words, as the Americans would say 'in your face'. Could not Nigeria's Foreign Minister and Jonathan's many advisers have pointed out the implications of exploring the borders of a pariah outlook in the international community and for no other reason than helping out a fallen mentor? I do not defend the United States which is not without its own human rights blemishes, symbolized by the excesses of the war on terror and the horrifying narratives that poured out of its naval base in Guantanamo. Yet, it is hard to deny that through our blunders and inactions we have often earned the rebuke of other countries, including those of our better governed, smaller neighbours.
There are occasions as in the example of the 1970's cited earlier when a reformist government can rally the nation against the big brother insults of a foreign power. But this is not one of them; as we did not need the United States to tell us that the anticorruption agenda has lost its steam and that business as usual is the name of the game in our political setting. Our leaders do not expect other democracies to congratulate them for flouting emerging governance norms in the global neighbourhood; or for treating Nigerians with the contempt reserved for subjects of autocratic rule, rather than citizens of a democracy. 
It is not too late, however especially in the light of the current rebuff, for Nigeria's leaders to begin to do things right as well as enthrone decency in the polity and in state-society relations. Even rogue states within the international system must live with certain restrictions on their conduct as long as they remain in the comity of nations. The administration should consider breathing new life into the comatose anticorruption agenda; as well as by the force of example, institute new norms that would stem and slow down the current fiendish and fiery political skirmishes, in the run-up to 2015.
Furthermore, is it not time to recompact this tottering nation by convoking a national conference that will seek to revalidate our eroding sense of nationhood and community or in the alternative, prescribe modalities for nationalities to go their separate ways without bloodletting? As argued earlier, there can be no nationalism without a nation; and there can be no nation without the consent of the nationalities. The current federal jamboree favours the emergence of second elevens as state officials and the elevation of mediocrity and visionless government into fundamental directives of state policy. It is time to renegotiate Nigeria.
 
Olukotun is Professor of Political Science and Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences and Entrepreneurial Studies, Lead City University, Ibadan
 
   

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Article: Okorocha Administration And The Zenith Bank Loan Scandal

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Jonathan Capehart: Obama can’t win with some black critics

"Here we go again. President Obama's critics in the African American community are hammering him for doing nothing for black people. Drawing my attention this time is "How the Obama Administration Talks to Black America"by Ta-Nehisi Coates of the Atlantic and"A President for Everyone, except Black People" by the Rev. Kevin Johnson that appeared last month in the Philadelphia Tribune. While I understand where they are coming from, this thinking drives me crazy because the president's detractors fail to take a 360-degree view of what they are demanding from him and ignore what he's actually done."|


For the record, I identify completely with Ta-Nehisi Coates. Mr. Obama has disappointed me with his (non)engagement with black folks and Africa. In that sense President Bush was a better leader.
 
- Ikhide
 
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USA Africa Dialogue Series - CHINUA ACHEBE'S STATE BURIAL: MATTERS ARISING

It is common knowledge that Chinua Achebe  had turned down on two occasions National Awards slated to be conferred on him by the Federal Government of Nigeria. However, in death, he was given a state burial. I  am inclined to think that the Family, toeing his principles ought to have equally turned down the offer of a State burial. What is your take on this issue?
Atah Pine 

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Obama’s Personal Responsibility Snake Oil: When Will He Take Responsibility for His Own Failures?

MAY 30, 2013
When Will He Take Responsibility for His Own Failures?

Obama's Personal Responsibility Snake Oil

United States president Barack Obama appears to never pass up an opportunity when addressing Afrikan Americans to shift the responsibility for their success to personal effort and not the removal of structural barriers that are connected to white supremacy, sexism and capitalist exploitation. The American Commander-in-Chief tried to pass off a personal responsibility bill of goods to his most loyal demographic group, "Sometimes I wrote off my own failings as just another example of the world trying to keep a black man down. I had a tendency sometimes to make excuses for me not doing the right thing. But one of the things that all of you have learned over the last four years is there's no longer any room for excuses." Obama made that declaration in his May 19, 2013 commencement address before a graduating class of 500 men at the all-male, predominantly African American Morehouse College.

Obama like other members of the African American petty bourgeoisie or national political class are under the illusion that his occupation of the White House is an indication of a new and better day across America. However, the reality paints a much more sobering picture of the depressing indicators of social and economic well-being for African Americans. A recently published report revealed that African American male college graduates have an unemployment rate of 6.7 percent, while the joblessness figure for the their white male counterparts stood at 3.8 percent.

2008 study on the race of the managers and their racial hiring patterns reveals that white, Asian and Hispanic hiring agents tend to select less African Americans, while African American supervisors hire more of their racial compatriots. The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education reported on its website that in 2003 African men in the United States with a bachelor's degree earned only 82 percent ($41,916) of the median income ($51,138) of their white counterparts.

Yet Obama had the gall to attempt selling these Morehouse men the following economic snake-oil, "You're graduating into an improving job market. You're living in a time when advances in technology and communication put the world at your fingertips. Your generation is uniquely poised for success unlike any generation of African Americans that came before it." Many of these African men do not have control over events within the labour market. There are entrenched racist, gendered and class-related employment barriers that are resistant to personal effort and responsibility on the part of these prospective racialized, despised and stereotyped jobseekers.

I look forward to the day when Obama will tell it like it is to ruling-class white men that there's no longer time for excuses for their promotion of institutional white supremacy (and other forms of oppression). Furthermore, I would like to see the display of intestinal fortitude on the part of the president in declaring to largely white graduating classes that they should not blame immigrants for taking away "their" jobs, social assistance or welfare recipients as the reason for high taxes or the capital gains tax as an impediment to job creation.

We are more likely to see Obama insulting and race-baiting African Americans so as to demonstrate to whites that he can be tough on a constituency that gave him 93 percent of its vote in the 2012 presidential election in spite of experiencing an unemployment rate of 13.7 percent in September 2012 (almost double the national joblessness figure). Therefore, please do not hold your breath in anticipation of Obama critiquing racism (capitalism and sexism) as an explanatory factor behind the oppression of African Americans, especially those from the working-class.

Obama could not help administering his personal responsibility snake-oil solution without visiting the conservative realm of family values. According to this smooth-talking 21st century Piped Piper, "Be the best father you can be to your children. Because nothing is more important…. I was raised by a heroic [white] single mom…. But I sure wish I had had a father who was not only present, but involved." This first "black President" must not have received the memo from Africa that "It takes a whole village to raise a child."

There are policy options that could facilitate the development of a mature and generous social welfare infrastructure in the United States. Mr. President, social and economic justice action speaks louder than your eloquent words! If Obama would like to make it easier for parents to have the ability to raise children as well as to give force to his claim, "My job, as President, is to advocate for policies that generate more opportunity for everybody."

The people deserve prompt and immediate attention to the questions below.

What about providing a national childcare programme that would allow parents to pursue education or employment opportunities?

What about instituting a liveable minimum wage that would allow parents to better care for their children?

What about a national guaranteed minimum income that would allow mothers and fathers to provide for the material well-being of their children?

What about providing 90% of one's recent income as unemployment income or benefits so that jobless parents are to provide for their children?

How about a livable social assistance (welfare) income that would allow working-class parents to better attend to the needs of their children?

What about a single-payer national heath system that is paid for out of general revenue so as to allow families to better attend to their healthcare needs?

How about going after racist and sexist employment barriers that contribute to the lower earnings of African Americans and other racialized workers as well as women?

Obama should take personal responsibility for his failure to champion social and income-security programmes that would help working-class African Americans, other racialized peoples and women in the United States. Personal responsibility is a two-way thoroughfare, Mr. President!

Ajamu Nangwaya, PhD, is an academic worker and Membership Development Coordinator with the Network for Pan-Afrikan Solidarity in Canada




In solidarity


Ajamu Nangwaya
Membership Development Coordinator, Network for Pan-Afrikan Solidarity

"We must practice revolutionary democracy in every aspect of our...[organization's] life. Every responsible member must have the courage of his responsibilities, exacting from others a proper respect for his work and properly respecting the work of others. Hide nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories ...." - Amilcar Cabral - Revolution in Guinea

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Mukaiba: In Dispraise Of Achebe

There is a saying Yoruba language that translates into 'the dead person cannot choose who will bath and dress him/her last. Or as late Tai Solarin used to say 'if nobody washed the dead person, his/her corpse would be taken care of by the community when it stars to stink'. Either way, let the soul of Prof Chinua Achebe rest in peace.

Prof Felicia A. D. Oyekanmi
Department of Sociology
University of Lagos
Akoka, Yaba,
Lagos Nigeria
Tel: {234} 1 7941757
Cell: {234}8056560970

--- On Wed, 29/5/13, Segun Ogungbemi <seguno2013@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Segun Ogungbemi <seguno2013@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Mukaiba: In Dispraise Of Achebe
To: "usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com" <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Date: Wednesday, 29 May, 2013, 14:48

Achebe passed away as both a Nigerian and a Biafran. If he had a choice of which nationality he preferred to be identified with, if Biafra had won the war, he would have opted to be a Biafran.  Because fate made him to remain a Nigerian and he accept it. He never saw anything good in Nigeria and that explained why he rejected the two awards given to him by his country. If he had been aware that he would be given a state burial by Nigerian State before his demise, he would probably have objected to it given conditions for which he rejected the national awards. The corrupt political office holders and their surrogates were there for his burial to sing his praises without doing what he wanted them to do to make Nigeria the pride of his dream.  
Yes, Chinua Achebe was in my own opinion,  first and foremost a Biafran and secondly a Nigerian. That is the irony of fate of his last destination. 
Segun Ogungbemi. 
Sent from my iPhone

On May 29, 2013, at 2:13 PM, shina73_1999@yahoo.com wrote:

"Did Chinua Achebe pass away as a Nigerian or a Biafran?"

Cornelius Hamelberg


Oga Cornelius,
I like this query. It is fundamental to an understanding of Achebe's nationality. For me, I consider him a veritable Nigerian to the extent that the Biafran question remains a Nigerian predicament. All his political commentaries where attempts to dialogue with the Nigerian condition that is 'abysmally frustrating and unbelievably exciting', and his role as a writer within that condition.

The attempt by the Nigerian political class to appropriate his corpse seems ludicrous however simply because it betrays the ignorance of the import of what Achebe's life and work implies. These elites take for granted the essence of critiquing our relationship with our country. A patriot is a nation's hardest critic. And Achebe was a Nigerian patriot. I read TWAC in this light.

Thank you for raising the question. It sort of introduces a literary complexity into a political conundrum that Achebe's life represented.


Adeshina Afolayan

Sent from my BlackBerry wireless device from MTN

From: Cornelius Hamelberg <corneliushamelberg@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, 29 May 2013 01:12:10 -0700 (PDT)
Cc: Ikhide<xokigbo@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Mukaiba: In Dispraise Of Achebe

P.s


Chief Ikhide R. Ikheloa,


I am still slightly puzzled. Could you please decipher this for us : It would appear that Mr. Achebe is writing about the past in the present tense : "I find the Nigerian situation untenable. If I had been a Nigerian, I think I would have been in the same situation as Wole Soyinka is— in prison."


Was/ is he saying that Nigeria is a prison?

Did Chinua Achebe pass away as a Nigerian or a Biafran?


http://www.thelocal.se/blogs/corneliushamelberg/

On Tuesday, 28 May 2013 23:21:13 UTC+2, Ikhide wrote:

"If you read the book very well, you would see his profuse eulogies for the Flora Nwapas, the Christopher Okigbos, the Cyprian Ekwensis and none for any other ethnic national. It was as if only the Igbos existed."

Ayinla Mukaiba

Yet another review by someone who did not read There Was a Country. Not true. Achebe was quite generous in his praises for many. Here is what he said about Wole Soyinka:

"Wole Soyinka was already regarded by this time as Africa's foremost dramatist. He had published The Swamp Dweller, The Lion and the Jewel, and The Trials of Brother Jero as well as collections of poetry. The Road is considered by many to be his greatest play. A Dance of the Forest, a biting criticism of Nigeria's ruling classes, was the first of what was to become his signature role— as one of the most consistent critics of misrule from his generation. His 1964 novel, The Interpreters, as well as ventures into recording, film, and poetry, showcased his versatility. Soyinka's attempts to avert a full-blown civil war by meeting with Colonel Ojukwu and Victor Banjo, as well as with then lieutenant colonel Olusegun Obasanjo, would earn him enemies in the Nigerian federal government and a twenty-two-month imprisonment.

The story I was told about this incident was that Wole, fed up with the federal government's unsuccessful treatment of the Biafra issue, had traveled to secessionist Biafra in an attempt to appeal for a cease-fire to the hostilities. He planned to set up an antiwar delegation made up of intellectuals, artists, and writers from both sides of the conflict— and from around the world— to achieve his aim. When he returned to Nigeria the authorities arrested him and accused him of assisting Biafra in the purchase of weapons of war. 1 There was no evidence to corroborate their case, and Wole was imprisoned without bail. Later, to justify holding him without evidence, the federal government accused Wole of being a Biafran agent or spy, trumped-up charges that he categorically denied. I remember relating my disgust about Soyinka's predicament to the editors of Transition in 1968 during the war: "I have no intention of being placed in a Nigerian situation at all. I find it intolerable. I find the Nigerian situation untenable. If I had been a Nigerian, I think I would have been in the same situation as Wole Soyinka is— in prison." 2 There was great concern for Wole's health and safety as time went on. For many of the months he was in prison he was held in solitary confinement and moved from one prison to another. Most of us in Biafra were appalled. PEN International and many major writers of the time— Norman Mailer comes to mind— led a vigorous protest on his behalf, but he was not released until close to the very end of the war."

Achebe, Chinua (2012-10-11). There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra (Kindle Locations 1741-1759). Penguin Press HC, The. Kindle Edition.

And here is what he said about Chief Obafemi Awolowo (no one of these Yoruba tribal warriors would ever mention this, by the way)

"By the time I became a young adult, Obafemi Awolowo had emerged as one of Nigeria's dominant political figures. He was an erudite and accomplished lawyer who had been educated at the University of London. When he returned to the Nigerian political scene from England in 1947, Awolowo found the once powerful political establishment of western Nigeria in disarray— sidetracked by partisan and intra-ethnic squabbles. Chief Awolowo and close associates reunited his ancient Yoruba people with powerful glue— resuscitated ethnic pride— and created a political party, the Action Group, in 1951, from an amalgamation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, the Nigerian Produce Traders' Association, and a few other factions. 4

Over the years Awolowo had become increasingly concerned about what he saw as the domination of the NCNC by the Igbo elite, led by Azikiwe. Some cynics believe the formation of the Action Group was not influenced by tribal loyalities but a purely tactical political move to regain regional and southern political power and influence from the dominant NCNC.

Initially Chief Obafemi Awolowo struggled to woo support from the Ibadan-based (and other non-Ijebu) Yoruba leaders who considered him a radical and a bit of an upstart. However, despite some initial difficulty, Awolowo transformed the Action Group into a formidable, highly disciplined political machine that often outperformed the NCNC in regional elections. It did so by meticulously galvanizing political support in Yoruba land and among the riverine and minority groups in the Niger Delta who shared a similar dread of the prospects of Igbo political domination. 5

Achebe, Chinua (2012-10-11). There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra (Kindle Locations 784-797). Penguin Press HC, The. Kindle Edition.

As for the rest of this "dispraise (talk about pompous nonsense) the errors are so glaring it would be beneath me to attempt rebuttals. Life is too rich for that nonsense.

Abo mi re o!

O'dua!

- Ikhide
 
Stalk my blog at www.xokigbo.com
Follow me on Twitter: @ikhide
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From: adeyemi bukola oyeniyi <oyen...@gmail.com>
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com; Yoruba Affairs <yoruba...@googlegroups. com>
Sent: Sunday, May 26, 2013 6:10 PM
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Mukaiba: In Dispraise Of Achebe

Mukaiba: In Dispraise Of Achebe
By Ayinla Mukaiba  
 
ONE of the reasons Africa's growth is stunted is what I call – pardon the bombast – the fetishization of the dead. We turn the dead into so great a fetish and canonize them immediately they breathe their last. Evil men a few seconds ago suddenly assume the garb of angels the moment they die, so cloaked because of the age-long aphorism that cautions against speaking ill of the dead. In a great way, this emboldens evil men of today and has made their evil hydra-headed.
This rankles my stomach to no end. What bigoted hypocrisy this is that has become the refrain on the lips of the living! Why can't we progressively shame evil doers in their lifetimes and even at their departure, so as to serve as a disincentive to potential evil doers that whenever they exit, society will reserve the hottest scurrilous tongue against their acts and misacts while alive?
Chinua Achebe, great author, literary scholar, poet and storyteller of note comes under reference here. His death has depleted the literary firmament of writers whose works breathed life into the inertia of our intellectual environment. There are seldom as talented writers as Achebe in this part of the world any longer. In the eulogy penned by John Pepper Bekeredemo-Clark and Wole Soyinka, these equally great authors spoke of the near irreplaceability of Chinua in the literary firmament.
When you read Things Fall Apart and its suffusion with African proverbs, culture and language, you will almost mythify Chinua as a gnome who hailed from the spirit world but was loaned to humanity by the spirit world; that he took temporary residency on earth. How could a man, born of a woman, aggregate the thinking and culture of his people into such an unputdownable book for posterity as this? How could a man codify the worldviews, thoughts, philosophy and ways of life of his people in such a way that he colonizes other peoples as prisoners of his people's ways of life? For, before Achebe's book, many of us were alien to the persona of the Igbo man. But Achebe opened the book of the lives of his people bare, threw the gate open into their historico-societal lifestyle, their weltachuung and upturned them into the lives of the rest of the world. Knowingly or unknowingly, since the 1950s when Chinua emerged as one of the authors of note on the African continent with his Things Fall Apart, the centre has refused to hold for the rest of the world, as we have transferred our centre to the Igbo cosmology; we have become slaves of his Igbo thinking which we drink in intoxicating suffusion.
We can reel into tomes of Achebe's literary scholarship, a shuttle of which Wole Soyinka recently made in an interview with Sahara Reporters. But, after all that and all that about Achebe's literary scholarship, full stop! Chinua was an extremely bigoted man who saw the world only from the prism of his Igbo people. For him, humanity ceases to exist outside the locus of Igbo and indeed, the world could go jump inside the Zambesi River once his Igbo people are sequestered inside the safe haven of a decent existence.
For anyone who was alive to witness the 1966 pogrom and the Nigerian civil war, especially if you were Igbo, you already possess in your being cicatrices that will last you through a life time. The reprehensible massacre of the Igbo in the North, the beheading of Akaluka in Kano and the recent extinguishing of several Igbo in a Southbound bus in Kaduna, are some of the callous vilifications of the Igbo and his unfortunate lot in the Nigerian nation.
The above could anger anyone and it did gnaw at the pancreas of the great storyteller. But Chinua became so paranoid about these ethnic vilifications of the Igbo and refused to forgive any race he presumed had a hand in the suppression of his people. His vituperations were vivid in virtually all the interface he had with the rest of Nigeria in his literary voyage. He amplified most of the character flaws that the Yoruba noticed in Nnamdi Azikiwe and his West African Pilot. Those who were alive during this period would recollect that The Pilot over-celebrated Igbo who travelled overseas for the golden fleece at their departure and arrival in Nigeria. The converse was the case whenever any other ethnic nationality recorded same achievement. Mbonu Ojike, ace Pilot columnist and Zik, with his Weekend Catechism, did a great job of trumpeting Igbo achievers and relegating any other nationality with same achievement. It was this perceived media projective inequality that led to the establishment of other newspapers and the upturn of Daily Service, the National Youth Movement (NYM) organ, edited by Ernest Sese Okoli, into a converse of Zik's Pilot which also began to fan ethnic agenda the moment editors like Samuel Ladoke Akintola and Bisi Onabanjo took over the editing suite.
If the 1966 pogrom bored crevasse of hatred that could never be filled in Chinua's heart, the civil war even dug a greater cesspit of anger in his subconscious. Everyone who contributed to the failure of the Igbo Biafran agenda became object of literary crucifixion and denigration in the hands of Chinua. Odumegwu Ojukuwu, whom many Igbo hated immediately after the war, especially over alleged voyeuristic liaison with Cuban imports inside his bunker in Umuahia while hunger and kwashiokor killed children of war-front soldiers; Chinua upped the ante of his heroism. Conversely, administrators on the side of Nigeria who sought every means to return Nigeria to normalcy, he scurrilously disparaged. The archetype of his disdain and vilification, till death, was Obafemi Awolowo whom he disdained in death and even while alive.
Achebe had shown his disdain for Awo when this man of uncommon sagacity passed on May 2, 1987. In the defunct Thisweek magazine of June 15,1987, while Nigerians and African political maestros poured encomiums on Awo, Achebe chose to insult the dead. In a rather insipid piece he entitled The Apotheosis of Awolowo, Chinua wrote, "Chief Awolowo was a great Nigerian leader in so far as he was a Nigerian and a leader. But his contribution to Nigerian public affairs of the last 40 years did not qualify him as a great national leader… to turn the burial of a tribal leader to a state funeral with invitations to foreign countries is both absurd and unacceptable".
The novelist and poet was not done yet. His words got more pungent and caustic. "It is in the light of this simple fact that the decision of the federal government to accord the status of a Head of State to him in death should be seen as no less than a national swindle" As a parting shot, the former professor of English at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka summarized the bile in his lacerating cudgel: "Despite the clowning circus of ex-politicians and would –be politicians in Ikenne in recent weeks, there is no doubt that serious minded Nigerians are highly critical or even contemptuous of the expensive hocus-pocus, which is now being staged in their name".
Where Achebe got it wrong was that, at the war front, you are to fight and not to preach morals. The moment Ojukwu declared war against Nigeria, he was no longer the Odumegwu that Awolowo and co. visited but an enemy of Nigeria. All his people (unfortunately) became enemies of Nigeria and they could not be treated as friends. Biafrans didn't treat Nigerians as friends as well. That was why Murtala Muhammed faced his waterloo in Asaba where hundreds of Nigerians were killed by Biafran soldiers and the heavy casualty suffered by Nigeria in the Abaagana disaster, amply romanticized by Achebe in There Was a Country. How then did Achebe expect Nigerians and Awolowo to deal with Igbo as friends when Biafrans were killing Nigerians at every available opportunity? Indeed, only a fool feeds and not starve his enemies!
Soyinka's recent interview, where he reasoned that Achebe's There Was A Country was a poor reading of the ethnically-biased person that Achebe was, was too patronizing. Perhaps, the laureate also fell into the African mantra of not speaking ill of the dead. Achebe's ethnic irredentism did not just start with his last book. It was merely a continuation of the war against Awolowo and his race. If you read the book very well, you would see his profuse eulogies for the Flora Nwapas, the Christopher Okigbos, the Cyprian Ekwensis and none for any other ethnic national. It was as if only the Igbos existed.
As great as Achebe was as a literary icon of note, his global size was terribly diminished by his consuming tribal inclination. What then is the difference between Achebe the tribal warlord and Joseph Conrad whose Heart of Darkness he vilified for his racist inclination? The eulogy penned by John Pepper Clark and Wole Soyinka made a terse reference to how Chinua, an icon the world venerated, was probably killed by the shocking news of the bombing of his Igbo people in a South-bound bus in Kano. Talk of a tumbling down of another Zik of Africa to Zik of Owelle!
 
http://www.ngrguardiannews. com/index.php?option=com_ content&view=article&id= 122765:mukaiba-in-dispraise- of-achebe-&catid=38: columnists&Itemid=615
 
Dr. Bukola Adeyemi Oyeniyi
Post Doctoral Fellow,
Political Studies and Governance Department, Faculty of Humanities,
University of the Free State.
Room 106, 205 Nelson Mandela Drive, Bloemfontein,
Brandwag, 9301,
South Africa.
Cell Ph. +27 (0) 743556490; +27 (0) 718163974
Office Ph. (051) 4019454
Fax. (051) 4019459

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fw: OBAMA’S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA

Oh Ayo, why?  But if, as you say, our ambassador to the US is still begging Obama to come here, I guess the disappointment and embarrassment are self-induced.  If the only thing that will induce Nigeria's rulers to do the right thing is a fleeting visit from Barack Obama, he had as well better not come [sic!].  After all, what happens when he has been and gone?  And is it his coming or not coming that will actually change the facts on the ground?  Everybody who has seen a road patched up for the visit of the State Governor, only to wash away with the first rains, knows how that particular brand of eye-service works!

Only when our rulers respond to our own demands will there be genuine change.  But as long as we contract out the job of making those demands to the President of the United States of America, well, I guess our rulers will know where they need to direct their eye service.

Ayo
I invite you to follow me on Twitter @naijama

On 31 May 2013, at 07:10, ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com wrote:

Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless handheld from Glo Mobile.

From: Tope Olaiya <estyyolly@yahoo.com>
Date: Tue, 28 May 2013 04:16:28 -0700 (PDT)
ReplyTo: Tope Olaiya <estyyolly@yahoo.com>
Subject: OBAMA'S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA

OBAMA'S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA
AYO OLUKOTUN
Barring an unlikely politically negotiated detour, United States President, Barack Obama and his wife Michelle, will not visit Nigeria on their forthcoming African tour, billed to take them to Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania between June 26 and July 3.The White House announced last week the exclusion of Nigeria from Obama's African itinerary as a way of delivering a strong message to the country's rulers on their slack, anti corruption policy and poor human rights record. Subsequent reports on the matter, however, indicate that Nigeria's ambassador to the United States, Professor Ade Adefuye, is exploring the possibility of getting the United States to change its mind by reinserting Nigeria on the list of countries to be visited by Obama.
Flash back to the twilight months of 1975 when General Murtala Muhammed at the time Nigeria's Head of State pointedly rebuffed United States Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who had proposed to visit Nigeria, and see what a sea change has occurred in Nigeria's foreign policy as well as national self worth. In that glorious season, we called the bluff of the United States; today we cringe before that same country, beseeching it to consider Nigeria worthy of being visited by its president. By way of explanation, let us recall that Muritala's government and to a lesser extent the successor government of General Olusegun Obasanjo were reformist, nationalist and enjoyed popular legitimacy on account of proven, not rhetorical achievements. Nigeria relished the spotlight as a haven for anti-colonial rebels across the continent including those from apartheid South Africa.
It must be recorded as a touching irony that South Africa, whose liberation was in the 1970's and early 1980's, a defining and much acclaimed credo of our vigorous foreign policy is listed today on Obama's itinerary while Nigeria the liberator is shoved aside. What has changed about Nigeria that it should now become the butt of the derisive snubbing and dismissive scorn around the globe? In the 1970's there was a nation around which nationalism could be projected. Today, the nation is imploding, and retreating to its least common denominators. That is why an Asari Dokubo can threaten war, if his kinsman loses the election in 2015; and insurgent Islam can institute a reign of terror, verging on attempted secession in another part of the country. Nigeria is viewed with the contempt that one reserves for a neighbouring family whre husband and wife square up to each other in fisticuffs on the verandah, disturbing the peace of the entire neighbourhood.
That is not all. A diminution of leadership is today superimposed on a crisis of governance, with predictable diminishing returns for governmental output. South Africa, a federation like Nigeria obviously has its problems but it had as president and now statesman, Nelson Mandela who put his country on the world map both by bridge-building skills and by quitting office when the ovation was loudest. As the ongoing, tawdy squabble in the Nigerian Governor's Forum (NGF) shows, much of it engineered from outside, dishonourable shenanigans and dishonesty rule the political roost, mainly because of what Chief Awolowo was fond of calling "tenacity of office". Let us face it. There is hardly anything in the United States' dressing down of Nigeria that has not been pointed out by civil society and, permit the self indulgence, by this columnist. What domestic and international reactions did the Jonathan administration expect when it granted state pardon to a former Bayelsa state governor, who is on the list of wanted persons in several countries around the globe? Should not that decision have been weighed in the light of the government's loudly advertised anticorruption policy and of global public opinion?
Now the rub. As condemnations at home and abroad trailed the state pardon, with a United States journalist calling for the impeachment of Jonathan, our president was quoted to have said that he has no regrets for taking that universally denounced step. In other words, as the Americans would say 'in your face'. Could not Nigeria's Foreign Minister and Jonathan's many advisers have pointed out the implications of exploring the borders of a pariah outlook in the international community and for no other reason than helping out a fallen mentor? I do not defend the United States which is not without its own human rights blemishes, symbolized by the excesses of the war on terror and the horrifying narratives that poured out of its naval base in Guantanamo. Yet, it is hard to deny that through our blunders and inactions we have often earned the rebuke of other countries, including those of our better governed, smaller neighbours.
There are occasions as in the example of the 1970's cited earlier when a reformist government can rally the nation against the big brother insults of a foreign power. But this is not one of them; as we did not need the United States to tell us that the anticorruption agenda has lost its steam and that business as usual is the name of the game in our political setting. Our leaders do not expect other democracies to congratulate them for flouting emerging governance norms in the global neighbourhood; or for treating Nigerians with the contempt reserved for subjects of autocratic rule, rather than citizens of a democracy. 
It is not too late, however especially in the light of the current rebuff, for Nigeria's leaders to begin to do things right as well as enthrone decency in the polity and in state-society relations. Even rogue states within the international system must live with certain restrictions on their conduct as long as they remain in the comity of nations. The administration should consider breathing new life into the comatose anticorruption agenda; as well as by the force of example, institute new norms that would stem and slow down the current fiendish and fiery political skirmishes, in the run-up to 2015.
Furthermore, is it not time to recompact this tottering nation by convoking a national conference that will seek to revalidate our eroding sense of nationhood and community or in the alternative, prescribe modalities for nationalities to go their separate ways without bloodletting? As argued earlier, there can be no nationalism without a nation; and there can be no nation without the consent of the nationalities. The current federal jamboree favours the emergence of second elevens as state officials and the elevation of mediocrity and visionless government into fundamental directives of state policy. It is time to renegotiate Nigeria.
 
Olukotun is Professor of Political Science and Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences and Entrepreneurial Studies, Lead City University, Ibadan
 
   

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