You said:
but the leader functions for the nation, for the national interest, not for some hypothetical moral stance.
But national leaders take moral stances all the time. And, whilst it is true that leaders often speak of "national interests," this is often rhetorical. National leaders are just as likely to represent the interests of a small faction of a nation. Indeed the role of American presidents, dating back to 1776, has been to represent and protect the interests of elite white men. Americans presidents, including Obama, protect white power. Roughly 20% of American presidents were slave owners and nearly 90% of US presidents supported white supremacy (i.e. the governed under slavery or Jim Crow). And was Eisenhower looking out for "national interests" when he authorized the assassination of Lumumba? Was Mobutu looking out for the interests of Congo or the pockets of Mobutu? What "national interests" were at stake with the US helped to push out Nkrumah or Allende or Mossadeq? Was the USG's harassment of Garvey, Du Bois, and Robeson in the interest of the nation? What of the attempt to kill Castro? No. I think its pretty clear that American policy is (mostly) guided and shaped elite white men who will maintain their oligarchical control by any means necessary.
But national leaders take moral stances all the time. And, whilst it is true that leaders often speak of "national interests," this is often rhetorical. National leaders are just as likely to represent the interests of a small faction of a nation. Indeed the role of American presidents, dating back to 1776, has been to represent and protect the interests of elite white men. Americans presidents, including Obama, protect white power. Roughly 20% of American presidents were slave owners and nearly 90% of US presidents supported white supremacy (i.e. the governed under slavery or Jim Crow). And was Eisenhower looking out for "national interests" when he authorized the assassination of Lumumba? Was Mobutu looking out for the interests of Congo or the pockets of Mobutu? What "national interests" were at stake with the US helped to push out Nkrumah or Allende or Mossadeq? Was the USG's harassment of Garvey, Du Bois, and Robeson in the interest of the nation? What of the attempt to kill Castro? No. I think its pretty clear that American policy is (mostly) guided and shaped elite white men who will maintain their oligarchical control by any means necessary.
But I digress.
My point is that African leaders (or African people, or African professors) need not bemoan the alleged "snubbing" of Obama or any of the other western hypocrites. Obama has, on a number of occasions, wagged a moralizing finger at African nations. And he implicitly tied the finger-wagging to policy (see, e.g., his speech in Ghana). I am saying that African leaders (and African people) can and should challenge the belligerent domestic and foreign policies of America. We have a template for said actions. In the mid 1960s, Malcolm X encouraged African leaders to speak out against the anti-black domestic policies of the US govt. His efforts were producing tangible results which likely pushed the US govt to plot his assassination with the assistance of the many informants operating in the Nation of Islam, the Organization of Afro-American Unity, and Muslim Mosque Inc. kzs
On Wednesday, June 5, 2013 10:54:13 PM UTC-4, Kenneth Harrow wrote:
i agree with this perspective.
but it is only half right, as far as i can see. the real problem, kwame, is that you are conflating the leader with the people. you say, "shouldn't nigeria" do this and that--things a nation ought to be doing. you say, african leaders should call the USA to task, but the leader functions for the nation, for the national interest, not for some hypothetical moral stance. and you say, isn't it time, "Africans demand the USA give an official accounting...," but "Africans" aren't the same as their leaders, or their nations. they are people.
as people, we--africans or americans--have to demand a moral stance from our leaders and other nations. but when "the USA" makes a demand of nigeria, it isn't the same as when you or i do so. and if we are making moral demands of the US, which we must, we also make those demands of nigeria, and maybe call nigeria to account over what its soldiers are doing as much as we call the u.s. to account over its drones and historical actions as well. and when that happens, just as "nigeria" calls the "u.s." to account, so too does the "u.s." call nigeria to account.
they do that as nations, with national interest...and moral demands, decency, freedom of the press, freedom to elect one's leaders, freedom to have a lumumba elected without being assassinated, all get compromised in the name of national interest.
african nations become morally compromised as do western or northern nations because they ultimately live by realpolitik, which means the death to all those ideals i cited
ken
On 6/5/13 10:35 PM, kwame zulu shabazz wrote:
Is Obama "snubbing" the other 50 or so countries that he is not visiting? And why should an African nation care if the USA "snubs" them? Should not Nigeria and other African nations focus more attention on BRIC relations? And why does criticism only work in only one direction (Gadaffi and Mugabe being exceptions)? Obama wags his finger at African nations (and African Americans), but which African leader will call the USA to task, for example, regarding its outrageous incarceration rate that is disproportionately African American. How about the NDAA? And shouldn't African nations be considered that western nations are sucking up most of the world's resources? Which Africa leader will stand against AFRICOM? The USA's snubbing of international law? Renditions? Isn't it about time Africans demand the USA give an official accounting of their role in assassinating Lumumba, overthrowing Lumumba, kidnapping Aristide, propping up UNITA/Savimbi in Angola? Will no African leader rebuke the USA's massive weapons industry? kzs
On Friday, May 31, 2013 2:10:05 AM UTC-4, ayo_ol...@yahoo.com wrote:--Sent from my BlackBerry� wireless handheld from Glo Mobile.
From: Tope Olaiya <esty...@yahoo.com>Date: Tue, 28 May 2013 04:16:28 -0700 (PDT)ReplyTo: Tope Olaiya <esty...@yahoo.com>Subject: OBAMA�S SNUBBING OF NIGERIA
OBAMA�S SNUBBING OF NIGERIAAYO OLUKOTUNBarring an unlikely politically negotiated detour, United States President, Barack Obama and his wife Michelle, will not visit Nigeria on their forthcoming African tour, billed to take them to Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania between June 26 and July 3.The White House announced last week the exclusion of Nigeria from Obama�s African itinerary as a way of delivering a strong message to the country�s rulers on their slack, anti corruption policy and poor human rights record. Subsequent reports on the matter, however, indicate that Nigeria�s ambassador to the United States, Professor Ade Adefuye, is exploring the possibility of getting the United States to change its mind by reinserting Nigeria on the list of countries to be visited by Obama.Flash back to the twilight months of 1975 when General Murtala Muhammed at the time Nigeria�s Head of State pointedly rebuffed United States Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who had proposed to visit Nigeria, and see what a sea change has occurred in Nigeria�s foreign policy as well as national self worth. In that glorious season, we called the bluff of the United States; today we cringe before that same country, beseeching it to consider Nigeria worthy of being visited by its president. By way of explanation, let us recall that Muritala�s government and to a lesser extent the successor government of General Olusegun Obasanjo were reformist, nationalist and enjoyed popular legitimacy on account of proven, not rhetorical achievements. Nigeria relished the spotlight as a haven for anti-colonial rebels across the continent including those from apartheid South Africa.It must be recorded as a touching irony that South Africa, whose liberation was in the 1970�s and early 1980�s, a defining and much acclaimed credo of our vigorous foreign policy is listed today on Obama�s itinerary while Nigeria the liberator is shoved aside. What has changed about Nigeria that it should now become the butt of the derisive snubbing and dismissive scorn around the globe? In the 1970�s there was a nation around which nationalism could be projected. Today, the nation is imploding, and retreating to its least common denominators. That is why an Asari Dokubo can threaten war, if his kinsman loses the election in 2015; and insurgent Islam can institute a reign of terror, verging on attempted secession in another part of the country. Nigeria is viewed with the contempt that one reserves for a neighbouring family whre husband and wife square up to each other in fisticuffs on the verandah, disturbing the peace of the entire neighbourhood.That is not all. A diminution of leadership is today superimposed on a crisis of governance, with predictable diminishing returns for governmental output. South Africa, a federation like Nigeria obviously has its problems but it had as president and now statesman, Nelson Mandela who put his country on the world map both by bridge-building skills and by quitting office when the ovation was loudest. As the ongoing, tawdy squabble in the Nigerian Governor�s Forum (NGF) shows, much of it engineered from outside, dishonourable shenanigans and dishonesty rule the political roost, mainly because of what Chief Awolowo was fond of calling �tenacity of office�. Let us face it. There is hardly anything in the United States� dressing down of Nigeria that has not been pointed out by civil society and, permit the self indulgence, by this columnist. What domestic and international reactions did the Jonathan administration expect when it granted state pardon to a former Bayelsa state governor, who is on the list of wanted persons in several countries around the globe? Should not that decision have been weighed in the light of the government�s loudly advertised anticorruption policy and of global public opinion?Now the rub. As condemnations at home and abroad trailed the state pardon, with a United States journalist calling for the impeachment of Jonathan, our president was quoted to have said that he has no regrets for taking that universally denounced step. In other words, as the Americans would say �in your face�. Could not Nigeria�s Foreign Minister and Jonathan�s many advisers have pointed out the implications of exploring the borders of a pariah outlook in the international community and for no other reason than helping out a fallen mentor? I do not defend the United States which is not without its own human rights blemishes, symbolized by the excesses of the war on terror and the horrifying narratives that poured out of its naval base in Guantanamo. Yet, it is hard to deny that through our blunders and inactions we have often earned the rebuke of other countries, including those of our better governed, smaller neighbours.There are occasions as in the example of the 1970�s cited earlier when a reformist government can rally the nation against the big brother insults of a foreign power. But this is not one of them; as we did not need the United States to tell us that the anticorruption agenda has lost its steam and that business as usual is the name of the game in our political setting. Our leaders do not expect other democracies to congratulate them for flouting emerging governance norms in the global neighbourhood; or for treating Nigerians with the contempt reserved for subjects of autocratic rule, rather than citizens of a democracy.�It is not too late, however especially in the light of the current rebuff, for Nigeria�s leaders to begin to do things right as well as enthrone decency in the polity and in state-society relations. Even rogue states within the international system must live with certain restrictions on their conduct as long as they remain in the comity of nations. The administration should consider breathing new life into the comatose anticorruption agenda; as well as by the force of example, institute new norms that would stem and slow down the current fiendish and fiery political skirmishes, in the run-up to 2015.Furthermore, is it not time to recompact this tottering nation by convoking a national conference that will seek to revalidate our eroding sense of nationhood and community or in the alternative, prescribe modalities for nationalities to go their separate ways without bloodletting? As argued earlier, there can be no nationalism without a nation; and there can be no nation without the consent of the nationalities. The current federal jamboree favours the emergence of second elevens as state officials and the elevation of mediocrity and visionless government into fundamental directives of state policy. It is time to renegotiate Nigeria.�Olukotun is Professor of Political Science and Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences and Entrepreneurial Studies, Lead City University, Ibadan����
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