Friday, January 3, 2014

USA Africa Dialogue Series - MARCHAR: BEWARE OF THE FODAY SANKOH NARRATIVE

Greg Marinovich a Pulitzer winning photo journalist stated on the BBC that both Riek Machar leader of the Sudan's People Liberation Movement (SPLM) and President Salva Kiir of South Sudan own mansions in Nairobi.

Not discounting all his abuses—corruption and his involvement of the Bor massacre (where thousands of Dinka Bors were killed when Machar deserted the Sudan People's Liberation Army)—he must learn from the narrative of the late Foday Sankoh leader of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) of Sierra Leone.

Machar must be mindful that all his actions have created enemies both foreign, domestic and within his SPLM. Consequently, he must never reside in Juba. He must be meticulous about the selection of his delegates to this—negotiations in Addis Ababa—and future summits. Do not double cross the military component of the SPLM.

After a failed coup attempt in 1971 against Siaka Stevens then Prime Minister of Sierra Leone and leader of the All People's Congress (APC), he had prohibited the equipping of the military. If a single bullet was found in the possession of an Army officer the consequences were Court Martial and the probability of a death sentence.

Sankoh had disregarded the fact that it was the RUF's invasion of Sierra Leone in 1991 which led to an alteration of a prior policy of Siaka Stevens' and his APC against arming the military. The provision of weapons to the army led to the ousting of President Joseph Momoh and his APC in 1992.

After the elections of 1996 the junta grudgingly bequeathed power to President Tejan Kabba and his Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP).

But Sankoh continued his civil war against Kabba's government until a combination of his RUF and cashiered ex-army officers entered the capital Freetown in 1999, which eventually led to the signing of the Lome Accord in July of that year. He was reward as Vice President responsible for Mining.

During the initial negotiations that sought a political solution to the Sierra Leone crises, most of the RUF's delegation to the Abidjan Accords of 1992 betrayed Sankoh. After those renegades were co-opted by the United Nations they decided to establish a separate entity of the movement, but did not have the support of its military constituent.

When Sankoh—who was later imprisoned in Abuja--had been deceived by the traitors, Gen. Sam "Maskita" Bockarie, the Supreme Commander of RUF's military faction arrested and detained them after they had apprised him of their intentions. He continued to pursue the military campaign and made the uncompromising release of Sankoh the main objective of any political solution to the end of the war.

Upon his return to Sierra Leone Sankoh ordered the arrest and execution of Bockarie, on the pretext that the latter was disloyal. Bockarie escaped to Liberia where he was later murdered by the orders of Charles Taylor then president of Liberia.

Following the Lome Agreement Sankoh desired to live in Freetown rather than in safe enclaves in either the Districts of Kailahun, or Tonkolili.

The anti-Sankoh and RUF forces which included the British—our colonial masters—and all the various political parties colluded to organize a demonstration to his abode during a state of emergency. He fled the demonstration, but he was later captured and tried for treason. He died in jail during his treason trial.

Marchar should never aspire to be president, but be an advocate for the problems that ail South Sudan. He must fight for the rights of all South Sudanese which encompass accountability, transparency, the rule of law, equality, freedoms of expression, association and of the press; and must agitate that the country's resources be employed to enhance the living standards including universal free education from Kindergarten through university, and free health care for all.

Marchar's must also focus on the synchronization of political and formal education. The governed have to be cognizant of their obligations to the government, and the government has to be responsive to the responsibilities of the governed.

His concentration must also comprise the devolution of power with the establishment of a strong central government and equally robust Village Assemblies, Town Councils and District Legislature where the inhabitants of the rural areas become familiar with the issues of governance. These assemblies, councils and legislatures will be laboratories a lá the United States for future South Sudanese who will have to govern the country.

The establishment of a governing institution analogous to France's Science Po (educate French politicians) will also be appropriate to alleviate the dearth of qualified politicians, civil servants and civic organizations.

 

In an excerpt of James Madison in Federalist 51:

 

"…In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions."

 

Marchar should perceive himself in the context of Mahatma Gandhi and Benjamin Franklin.


William Bangura

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