Table 2 (Revised):
Revised State Analysis of 1993 Presidential Elections
| S/N | State | Rank by 1991 Census | Rank by Total Votes | 1991 Census Population Figure | Total Votes Cast | Election Participation Index (EPI) | Rank by EPI | Winner | Party | Win Ratio | Incumbent Governor | Party | Party Coinc. |
| 1 | Sokoto | 3 | 12 | 4,392,391 | 469,976 | 23.67 | 27 | Tofa | NRC | 3.81 | Yahya Abdulkarim | NRC | 1 |
| 2 | Kebbi | 26 | 28 | 2,062,226 | 215,027 | 23.07 | 28 | Tofa | NRC | 2.06 | Abubakr Musa | NRC | 1 |
| 3 | Rivers | 5 | 3 | 3,983,857 | 1,011,651 | 56.18 | 2 | Tofa | NRC | 1.73 | Rufus Ada-George | NRC | 1 |
| 4 | Niger | 18 | 19 | 2,482,367 | 357,787 | 31.89 | 18 | Tofa | NRC | 1.62 | Musa Inuwa | NRC | 1 |
| 5 | Katsina | 8 | 13 | 3,878,344 | 442,239 | 25.23 | 23 | Tofa | NRC | 1.58 | Sa'idu Barda | NRC | 1 |
| 6 | Bauchi | 4 | 4 | 4,294,413 | 864,175 | 44.52 | 7 | Tofa | NRC | 1.55 | Dahiru Mohammed | NRC | 1 |
| 7 | Abia | 21 | 26 | 2,297,978 | 256,500 | 24.70 | 25 | Tofa | NRC | 1.44 | Ogbonnaya Onu | NRC | 1 |
| 8 | Imo | 17 | 20 | 2,485,499 | 355,186 | 31.62 | 20 | Tofa | NRC | 1.23 | Evan Enwerem | NRC | 1 |
| 9 | Adamawa | 24 | 24 | 2,124,049 | 308,114 | 32.09 | 17 | Tofa | NRC | 1.19 | Saleh Michika | NRC | 1 |
| 10 | Kogi | 25 | 9 | 2,099,046 | 488,432 | 51.48 | 4 | Tofa | NRC | 1.19 | Abubakar Audu | NRC | 1 |
| 11 | Lagos | 1 | 2 | 5,685,781 | 1,033,397 | 40.21 | 13 | Abiola | SDP | 5.92 | Michael Otedola | NRC | 0 |
| 12 | Kano | 2 | 22 | 5,362,040 | 324,328 | 12.74 | 31 | Abiola | SDP | 1.10 | Kabiru Ibrahim Gaya | NRC | 0 |
| 13 | Kaduna | 6 | 5 | 3,969,252 | 746,593 | 41.62 | 8 | Abiola | SDP | 1.09 | Mohammed Dabo Lere | NRC | 0 |
| 14 | Enugu | 11 | 8 | 3,161,295 | 517,151 | 36.19 | 14 | Abiola | SDP | 1.04 | Okwesilieze Nwodo | NRC | 0 |
| 15 | AkwaIbom | 19 | 16 | 2,359,736 | 374,124 | 35.08 | 15 | Abiola | SDP | 1.35 | Obong Akpan Isemin | NRC | 0 |
| 16 | CrsRiver | 27 | 21 | 1,865,604 | 342,755 | 40.65 | 12 | Abiola | SDP | 1.23 | Clement David Ebri | NRC | 0 |
| 17 | Osun | 22 | 10 | 2,203,016 | 484,971 | 48.71 | 5 | Abiola | SDP | 7.18 | Isiaka Adeleka | SDP | 1 |
| 18 | Ondo | 7 | 1 | 3,884,485 | 1,046,018 | 59.58 | 1 | Abiola | SDP | 5.42 | Dele Olumilua | SDP | 1 |
| 19 | Oyo | 9 | 7 | 3,488,789 | 641,799 | 40.70 | 11 | Abiola | SDP | 5.07 | Kolapo Ishola | SDP | 1 |
| 20 | Ogun | 20 | 14 | 2,338,570 | 437,334 | 41.38 | 9 | Abiola | SDP | 5.07 | Segun Osoba | SDP | 1 |
| 21 | Kwara | 28 | 17 | 1,566,469 | 368,489 | 52.05 | 3 | Abiola | SDP | 3.59 | Shaba Lafiaji | SDP | 1 |
| 22 | Delta | 16 | 11 | 2,570,181 | 473,278 | 40.74 | 10 | Abiola | SDP | 2.24 | Olorogun Felix Ibru | SDP | 1 |
| 23 | Edo | 23 | 23 | 2,159,848 | 308,979 | 31.65 | 19 | Abiola | SDP | 1.98 | John Oyegun | SDP | 1 |
| 24 | Borno | 15 | 25 | 2,596,589 | 282,174 | 24.04 | 26 | Abiola | SDP | 1.92 | Maina Maaji Lawan | SDP | 1 |
| 25 | Yobe | 30 | 29 | 1,411,481 | 175,948 | 27.58 | 22 | Abiola | SDP | 1.75 | Bukar Abba Ibrahim | SDP | 1 |
| 26 | Plateau | 10 | 6 | 3,283,784 | 676,959 | 45.61 | 6 | Abiola | SDP | 1.61 | Fidelis Tapgun | SDP | 1 |
| 27 | Taraba | 29 | 30 | 1,480,590 | 165,888 | 24.79 | 24 | Abiola | SDP | 1.59 | Jolly Nyame | SDP | 1 |
| 28 | Jigawa | 12 | 27 | 2,829,929 | 228,193 | 17.84 | 30 | Abiola | SDP | 1.55 | Ali Sa'ad Birnin-Kudu | SDP | 1 |
| 29 | Anambra | 14 | 18 | 2,767,903 | 367,053 | 29.34 | 21 | Abiola | SDP | 1.37 | Chukwuemeka Ezeife | SDP | 1 |
| 30 | Benue | 13 | 15 | 2,780,398 | 433,132 | 34.47 | 16 | Abiola | SDP | 1.33 | Moses Orshin Adasu | SDP | 1 |
| 31 | FCT | 31 | 31 | 378,671 | 38,281 | 22.37 | 29 | Abiola | SDP | 1.09 | Coincidence Index |
| 24 |
|
| Total |
|
| 88,515,581 | 14,235,931 | 35.58 |
| Abiola | SDP | 1.42 |
|
|
|
--Thanks Prof for your illuminating analysis,but one very important factor you omitted in your analysis of the voting pattern is the issue of the parties that were in power in the various states then.For instance the NRC which Tofa belonged to was in charge in the eastern region apart from Anambra state.Dont you think this factor may have affected the voting pattern then?.If for instance a state was used to voting for the NRC,would they suddenly turn arround to vote for Abiola in SDP considering the low literacy rate,the influence of the state governments and general voter enlightenment and awareness.Perharps this information may further enrich your analysis.Thank sir.Obi Emeka Anthony Anambra State UniversitySent from Samsung tablet
Mobolaji Aluko <alukome@gmail.com> wrote:
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