and maybe ask us to think about the different way resources are allocated in a wealthy society versus a poor society
not to overstate the case, but if the state no longer pays teachers in the drc, should the community give up on education for their children, or pay the teacher in whatever non-state way they can?
anyway, i believe that the systems that work in wealthy states, with effective, powerful state structures, can't be the model for all people everywhere.
aside from that issue, i am concerned about another point buried below in moses's statement, which is the way in which africa is described by the west as riddled with corruption. the minute we start look at client-patron relations, or big man relations, we might we imagining not a system where the one in power exploits the other, but where the more powerful incurs obligations toward his or her clients that might be extensive. toyin falola evokes them at a point in his autobiography--remembering some tht were awful, versus others that enabled the system to work. this is crucial.
think about it: you come into an airport, hire a porter to carry your bags, and in the end tip the porter. how much do you tip? is it extortion for him to expect "decent" tip? if you don't give it, and word gets around, next time you come to that airport, no one will carry your bag.
this is not corruption, and i view the tip as an informal commercial exchange, one that is no less valid than a formal one.
is a 15% tip in a restaurant better when the restaurant adds it to the bill, or when the diner has the option of rewarding the waiter for good service? if the latter, is it corruption for the server to serve poorly those who tipped badly before? and considering waiters are paid under the minimum wage on the assumption that they earn tips, isn't it corrupt not to tip 15% (excuse me, my wife says i have to make it 20%--groan).
please imagine multiplying this relationship, a client-paatron relationship, to everything we do in society. i pay taxes; i demand the police act a certain way because my money pays their salaries. they are my subordinates. that's one way to see it; another is, there is an objective system that does not rely on the person relationship to work best: everyone must do their job, and not expect the personal rewards in response.
ok, i will say that i prefer the personal to the impersonal, a lot.
and, here is my main point, there is a cultural side to this. when teju cole wrote his first novel, One Day Is for the Thief, he wrote of his experience as an american (calling himself nigerian, because of his birth), but actually writing as an american who was born in kalamazoo, returned to nigeria for part of his c;hildhood, and then returned to the u.s. for his college education and his career. on his return, he saw the airport through american eyes; saw the bribes on the street, the dirt, the traffic, the nepad stoppages, through the eyes not of someone who had adjusted his expectations or reactions to something different from new york or michigan, but through the eyes of someone who knew what was better and wouldn't tolerate anything less. he condemned, without commending; saw nothing to lure him to want to be there, to stay, to embrace the life he found. i had a very hard time making my way through that book; just as i wanted to vomit at the racism in naipaul's Bend in the River for whom africans are subhuman people with beautiful bodies.
the need to critique, without being an afropessimist, is crucial. the reader, especially one who has invested nothing in africa, has no friends or family to remember or love, might sympathize with the narrator, with the figure in cole's novel, and say, well, he is a nigerian, he knows what he is talking about.
but what makes him a nigerian? what makes naipaul a third worldist? the truth is, it is only the jacket cover, and jacket covers lie. In the publication of cole's masterpiece, Open City, the flap on the novel says he was "raised in Nigeria and came to the US in 1992." his credentials as the outsider were needed to sell the exoticism of the novel. i wrote about the two different ways of presenting Cole in the last African Studies Association conference.
i will quote the relevant passage from my paper here. (excuses for the lengthy posting):
On the back flap of Every Day we have the same image of Cole in profile, with stylish trendy cap, but not, as in Open City, with Rushdie's and Abani's praise, and even more fascinating, with the biostatement of the author now corrected. Cole is no longer misleadingly presented as having been "raised in Nigeria" and then coming to the United States, but rather, more accurately as having been "born in the United States in 1975" and then "raised in Nigeria." His identity is quickly sketched out, as we'd expect in postglobal terms, as the auther of Every Day Is for the Thief as well as Open City, not as we had in the flap of Open City which stated that Open City was his first novel and never mentioned Every Day. The postglobal version tells us our author is now "Distinguished Writer in Residence at Bard College" where he has joined the ranks of Wainaina in East Coast Academia.
A close postglobal reading of Every Day would have to examine closely the photos, the elements that make for the "different form." But in reality the difference between the first and later version is created by what lies between them, the novel Open City. We read Every Day, as in a Borgesian story, with the same words that now appear to be somehow different; we take the naïve embrace of Afropessimism and neoliberalism as though we are not caught up in the throes of SAPs, World Bank and IMF domination; as though Nigeria were instead a sovereign state that failed to provide its citizens with the ordinary, expected amenities like electricity, safety, health services, and especially, failed due to massive corruption. We don't question that worldview in the preglobal version because we are ensconced with the boys in the wheelbase of an airplane whose itinerary is never questioned. In the later version, we can say, when looking at the photos, oh how modernity has now entered into the coeval time of postmodernity, and we can read about the images and subjectivity of a protagonist whose own perceptions are continually presented in dual form, across the creolized doubleness of being both African and naturalized American.
I loved Open City and hated Every Day. Am I schizo, or is it possible to occupy both reading locations and claim that it is not just African literature, after all, but something that is as fashionable and unfashionable as Afropolitanism, and that, as Ferguson would have it, it is after all the shadow of the global that we are viewing, remembering that a shadow cannot be shaken off, that it is always present to the original figure it haunts.
On 4/5/15 12:27 PM, Moses Ebe Ochonu wrote:
Professor Mbaku,
All your points are taken. Indeed when it comes to corruption in Africa, your work is a major reference point. But I want to restate, as I understand it, Ken's point, which seems to be muddled a bit in your reading of it.
What I understand Ken to be saying is not that bureaucratic and quotidian corruption are excusable or not destructive to the body politic. Rather, I understand him to be making a point similar to an argument I make painstakingly in a published article on corruption in the journal Law and Development Review and less rigorously in a chapter of my book, Africa in Fragments. The argument calls for a more specific designation of corruption in Africa, and for a less generalized, less sensationalized understanding of graft. The tendency in the West is to see Africa as being congenitally corrupt, and being afflicted by a pathology of corruption, a pathology that is responsible for Africa's familiar problems. To pathologize the problem of corruption in Africa is to supply fodder for racists and those who see nothing good in Africa, those who say Africans are by their nature prone to self-destruction and point to "endemic" corruption as an example.
To get away from this pathologized understanding and come to a better delineated, more specific, and thus more insightful understanding of corruption and its moral consequences in Africa, it is not helpful to cite all instances of everyday corruption (police checkpoint bribe-taking, petting extortion in a government office, airport shenanigans, and other petty, quotidian acts of corruption) in the same frame as big figure political corruption, or to lump all of them together. It is helpful to explain them as belonging to a single tapestry of corruption in Africa or as equally destructive to Africa's development prospects.
The approach I favor and argue for is one that:
1. Recognizes that quotidian corruption and political corruption feed off of each other and coexist symbiotically. No need to belabor this.
2. Political corruption, by sheer volume and amounts involved, exacts a greater moral damage in Africa than quotidian corruption.
3. Political corruption (big ticket graft perpetrated by politicians and high level bureaucrats) is directly responsible for scuttling social and infrastructure projects like schools, hospitals, roads, electricity. It is therefore directly responsible for the death, poverty, and suffering of Africans. Quotidian corruption has at best an indirect culpability in these moral consequences.
4. Political corruption is responsible for the huge capital flight out of the country, the illicit export of money out of African economies. For the most part, the result of quotidian corruption is the transfer and re-transfer of money between individuals and nodes within the domestic economy.
Besides, I think that, when it comes to Africa, one should clear some space for how African conceptions of politics and the political economy of citizen expectation, client-patron relations, and normative obligations of African big manhood/womanhood allows and permits some use of state resources for informally meeting the needs of constituents. Because this kind of political expenditure is often unbudgeted and unaccounted, it is technically corruption. But if the amount is small (as opposed to frittering away or diverting for personal use an entire budget or parts thereof) and it is deployed to what Nigerians euphemistically call "empowerment" people do not mind and do not see it as corruption even though in the lexicon of modern governmentality it is graft. Even if they see it as graft, they may not see it as negative or destruction corruption in the same vein as other acts of corruption that benefit the corrupt individual and his/her family and friends.
I think, for many Africans, political corruption occurs when a politician or high level bureaucrat inflates contracts, takes kickbacks, or diverts public funds to personal use. It is also a question of volume. A politician who uses the discretionary budgetary or extra budgetary powers of his office to allocate $50,000 to provide scholarships to youths in his constituency is technically corrupt since this falls outside his official remit, lacks oversight, and may not even have followed proper budgetary or bureaucratic procedure. But citizens in many African countries may not see this as corruption or at least may not see it as belonging in the same category of vice and graft as the case of a politician who embezzles $1 million from the schools or hospital budget and transfers it to a Swiss or Dubai bank.
In other words, Africans have a nuanced, complex understanding of and vocabulary for designating corruption. It is only fair that as scholars our language for talking about corruption in Africa displays some fidelity to this nuanced distinctions in Africans' relationship with and understanding of corruption. We cannot use a Western frame to analyze corruption in Africa.
The reason we care about corruption in Africa is that it has a greater moral consequence there than it does in the West, given Africa's underdevelopment, poverty, etc. We don't care about corruption in Africa because of corruption qua corruption, which can be found in every society. If our sentiments on corruption in Africa is anchored on its greater moral consequences there as opposed to the trope of Africans being pathologically corrupt or being more corrupt than anyone else, it makes sense then to focus our energies and analysis on the type of corruption that is responsible for the vast majority of those moral consequences. That type of corruption is not the quotidian incidence of police checkpoint bribery or petty office extortion but the big figure corruption scandals in the world of high politics and high bureaucracy.
Precision in analysis and activism matters. We have to pick the targets of our outrage wisely, recognizing that quotidian corruption occurs in every system, is not the biggest threat to development, and that the return on efforts to fight it is not as big as that of fighting political corruption. Focusing excessively on quotidian, everyday graft or lumping it with political corruption inadvertently gives the perpetrators of consequential political corruption cover. In my country, Nigeria, some people say "everybody is corrupt" or "everyone is engaged in corruption" (an allusion to the prevalence of quotidian corruption) as a way of defending politicians and high-level bureaucrats implicated in big corruption scandals.--
On Sun, Apr 5, 2015 at 2:11 AM, John Mbaku <jmbaku@weber.edu> wrote:
No one should justify corruption on grounds that they did not get paid or that their salaries were delayed. What about the victim of such an insidious act? That is the one who was asked to pay the bribe but could not pay it and hence, was denied access to welfare-enhancing or, in some cases, life-saving public services. Also, what happens when the civil servant is finally paid the salary owed, does he seek out the people he extorted money from and return the ill-gotten gains?
Teachers are known to refuse students access to promotion examinations because the parents of the children were unable or unwilling to pay the bribes requested by the teacher. The teachers have justified their decision to extort money from students by arguing that their salaries were either too low or they were not paid in time. In some countries, poor children have been denied, and are still being denied, the right to an education because they cannot supply the bribes requested by their teachers. Such teachers should not be teaching. In fact, no civil servant should use his or her public position for private gain, regardless of their financial circumstances.
Finally, think about the emergency-room physician or nurse at a public hospital who insists that he or she be paid a bribe before they can perform their jobs. What happens to the person who cannot pay and needs life-saving services?
Corruption, in any form, should not be tolerated and, it should not be justified for any reason.
On Saturday, April 4, 2015, kenneth harrow <harrow@msu.edu> wrote:
thanks for your reply, john. i am sure you know much more than i, and your book is no doubt where i must go.--
i had only one small question: can't we distinguish between the big fish, whom you describe as distorting the economy, and the little fish whose salaries might be so, or nonexistent (i mentioned teachers in the drc, or first year appointment in govt jobs who get no salary that year) that the bribes they demand are their only real sources of income?
ken
On 4/4/15 2:45 PM, John Mbaku wrote:
ken:
Greetings. Thanks. I have to go for an interview on international watercourse law and the Nile River Basin. Nevertheless, I will try to address the issues you have raised.(1) I must disagree with you. The impact of corruption on the lives of Africans is often understated and not overstated. As one who has not only researched and written about corruption, but one who has been affected by corruption, I can tell you that corruption is probably one of the most important constraints to human development in Africa. A lot of issues in Africa, such as destructive mobilization by ethnic and religious groups that are marginalized by the ruling regime and pushed to the political and economic periphery, often have their origins and foundations in the corrupt practices of the civil servants and political elites who rule the country.(2) Civil service pay has very little to do with corruption. Some of the highest paid civil servants and politicians in Africa are also among the most corrupt. In fact, in studies of corruption in Nigeria and Cameroon, scholars determined that the most corrupt civil servants in these countries were actually among the highest paid public workers in the country. You may want to read Gould and Mukendi's piece on corruption in Zaire/DRC. It is quite illuminating. D. J. Gould and T. B. Mukendi (1989), "Bureaucratic Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and Remedies," International Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp, 427-457.(3) People who argue that the total economic picture would not be affected by corruption see corruption as a simple transfer of income from one citizen or group to another. Hence, the money remains within the economy. Unfortunately, that argument fails to take into account the fact that most of the money stolen from African countries through corruption is usually "invested" in offshore accounts in Switzerland and other safe places or is used to purchase real property in the developed countries--this is the preferred option because if the crook gets caught, his ill-gotten gains are safely located abroad and most likely is his or her family. Transparency International has provided a record of money stolen by many of Africa's dictators and top-civil servants and placed in foreign accounts, It is in the billions of dollars. Perhaps, more important, is the fact that corruption, especially the bribes requested by civil servants, makes it very difficult for ordinary citizens to organize their lives and engage in those activities that enhance living and improve their quality of life. In corrupt African countries, ordinary living is made extremely difficult by persistent requests for money by police, hospital staff, clerks at government offices, border officers, etc. Then, as determined by research, corruption can deprive citizens of access to life-saving public services such as police protection, medicines at public hospitals, clean water, etc. If you have the chance, read my book: CORRUPTION IN AFRICA: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND CLEANUPS (2007 hardback; 2010 paper).
Sorry, but I have to go.
John--
On Sat, Apr 4, 2015 at 11:45 AM, kenneth harrow <harrow@msu.edu> wrote:
john--
i have heard only one or two lectures on corruption, but i get the impression that its impact is often overstated.
secondly, what is called corruption might be renamed when the full circumstances are taken into account. i learned that the hotel where i was staying in burkina was three months behind on paying their personnel. when i left, everyone was begging me for tips, for money. i would understand those people, at wits end about paying their bills, trying to find any way to extract something more from me.
i know--we all know--of civil servants not being paid. in some instances in senegal i heard you might wait a year before your salary would begin. how do you live in the meanwhile?
how do/did teachers in the congo live without salaries for years?
so, bribes/tips/pots de vin/bakshish might be seen as a substitute for an inadequate or missing salary.
is there any correspondence between that level of "corruption," the cop who demands a "tax" for driving on, and the billions stolen at the top. frankly i am dubious that the one has anything to do with the other.
nicolas van der walle argues that in many cases the total economic picture isn't affected by corruption. i don't know if he would argue that in light of the enormity of the amount stolen from oil revenues in nigeria. i'd love to hear more of your thoughts on the impact corruption has, and how we are to measure it, assess it
ken
On 4/4/15 12:57 PM, John Mbaku wrote:
Corruption in Nigeria, and indeed, in other African countries, is an institutional problem--it is a problem exacerbated by the existence of weak and dysfunctional institutions. No one individual, president or otherwise, and no matter how much power that person is granted, can deal effectively with corruption, unless he or she begins by bringing together all relevant stakeholder groups in the country to reconstruct the state and provide the country with institutional arrangements that adequately constrain state custodians (i.e., civil servants and political elites). If anyone on this forum is really interested in minimizing corruption in Nigeria and creating a new foundation on which the country can build a new nation characterized by peaceful coexistence, rapid creation of the wealth needed to fight poverty and improve national living conditions, including those of heretofore marginalized groups and communities, that person should recognize the role played by the country's dysfunctional institutions in the perpetuation of a corrupt and/or "chop" mentality in the country. Such an individual might begin by reading Jean-François Bayart's L'état en Afrique: la politique du ventre (1989). I believe there is an English translation: The State In Africa: The Politics of the Belly (1993). Also La criminalisation de l'état en Afrique (Jean-François Bayart, Stephen Ellis & Béatrice Hibou eds., 1997). I believe there is an English translation--The Criminalization of the State in Africa (1999). Reading these materials should help the reader recognize the importance of institutions to corruption. If he or she is still not convinced, then read the following: John Mukum Mbaku, Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences, and Cleanups (2010). The key point brought out by all this research is that: unconstrained power can turn even a saint into a despotic and uncontrollable tyrant.--
On Sat, Apr 4, 2015 at 4:10 AM, Ibukunolu A Babajide <ibk2005@gmail.com> wrote:
Ikhide,
You supported Jonathan who personified the stealing political elite and you campaigned against Buhari whose ONLY credential is to stop the looting.
YOU and educated elite of your ilk are complicit in the looting. Before you raise any unsustainable defence my good self and many like me have been fighting against this looting. I started at 17 and I am still at the task.
There is no Utopia in politics. There is no black and white but shades of both colours but when you exposed your privates and intellectual shallowness in public you abstained from choosing the better alternative. That your moral abdication deny you any moral high ground to speak against corruption because you are corrupt too or at the minimum you are complicit in supporting a corrupt government or by not actively supporting a man who personifies anti corruption.
Cheers.
IBK
On 4 Apr 2015 05:46, "'Ikhide' via USA Africa Dialogue Series" <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:--
--"Since 1960, over $600 billion in oil revenues has flowed into Nigeria's coffers; it represents an opportunity unavailable to much of the developing world. These petrodollars could have been spent productively, could have transformed agriculture, laid the foundation for an effective public education system, provided much-needed infrastructure. Yet, according to the World Bank, of that $600 billion, $300 billion has simply disappeared into overseas bank accounts through theft and corruption."
I have another source document that insists that $400 billion was looted. By the way, Oby Ezekwesili and others use these figures...
- Ikhide
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
--
JOHN MUKUM MBAKU, ESQ.
J.D. (Law), Ph.D. (Economics)
Graduate Certificate in Environmental and Natural Resources Law
Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
Attorney & Counselor at Law (Licensed in Utah)
Brady Presidential Distinguished Professor of Economics & Willard L. Eccles Professor of Economics and John S. Hinckley Fellow
Department of Economics
Weber State University
1337 Edvalson Street, Dept. 3807
Ogden, UT 84408-3807, USA
(801) 626-7442 Phone
(801) 626-7423 Fax
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
-- kenneth w. harrow faculty excellence advocate professor of english michigan state university department of english 619 red cedar road room C-614 wells hall east lansing, mi 48824 ph. 517 803 8839 harrow@msu.edu
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
--
JOHN MUKUM MBAKU, ESQ.
J.D. (Law), Ph.D. (Economics)
Graduate Certificate in Environmental and Natural Resources Law
Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
Attorney & Counselor at Law (Licensed in Utah)
Brady Presidential Distinguished Professor of Economics & Willard L. Eccles Professor of Economics and John S. Hinckley Fellow
Department of Economics
Weber State University
1337 Edvalson Street, Dept. 3807
Ogden, UT 84408-3807, USA
(801) 626-7442 Phone
(801) 626-7423 Fax
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
-- kenneth w. harrow faculty excellence advocate professor of english michigan state university department of english 619 red cedar road room C-614 wells hall east lansing, mi 48824 ph. 517 803 8839 harrow@msu.edu
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
--
JOHN MUKUM MBAKU, ESQ.
J.D. (Law), Ph.D. (Economics)
Graduate Certificate in Environmental and Natural Resources Law
Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
Attorney & Counselor at Law (Licensed in Utah)
Brady Presidential Distinguished Professor of Economics & Willard L. Eccles Professor of Economics and John S. Hinckley Fellow
Department of Economics
Weber State University
1337 Edvalson Street, Dept. 3807
Ogden, UT 84408-3807, USA
(801) 626-7442 Phone
(801) 626-7423 Fax
--
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
--
There is enough in the world for everyone's need but not for everyone's greed.
---Mohandas Gandhi
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
-- kenneth w. harrow faculty excellence advocate professor of english michigan state university department of english 619 red cedar road room C-614 wells hall east lansing, mi 48824 ph. 517 803 8839 harrow@msu.edu
No comments:
Post a Comment