"..... the Awoist love very much, that no other regions were interested in education as did the Action Group government with its*Free education* program. Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly THAT HIS FREE EDUCATION WAS NECESSARY *IN ORDER TO CATCH UP WITH THE EAST!*" -Obi Nwakanma.
There is no end to learning and as long as we live we will all continue to learn. Since we are yet to read where Chief Obafemi Awolowo said that his *Free education was necessary in order to catch up with the East* this forum will be very grateful to know from Mr Nwakanma the source of his information about Awolowo's statement on catching up with the East educationally even though we are not Awoist. However, in Obafemi Awolowo's Magnus Opus, (as I consider it) Path To Nigerian Freedom, 1947, one of the reason he adduced for Nigeria not being ready for self-government was expressed as follows, "The existence of a MICROSCOPIC LITERARY CLASS would lead to EXPLOITATION OF THE GREAT MAJORITY OF ILLITERATES BY THE INTELLIGENTSIA." Awolowo's free education strife was motivated out of desire to prevent few educated class to exploit the uneducated masses. Thus, when the formation of Action Group was announced on the 21st of March 1951, Awolowo wrote, "The basic principles which, therefore, have brought us together within the fold of the Action Group may be stated in the following words: 1. The immediate termination of British rule in Nigeria in every phase of our political life. 2. THE EDUCATION OF ALL CHILDREN OF SCHOOL-GOING AGE, AND GENERAL ENLIGHTENMENT OF ALL ILLITERATE ADULTS AND ALL ILLITERATE CHILDREN ABOVE SCHOOL-GOING AGE. 3. The provision of health and general welfare for all our people. 4. The total abolition of want in our society by means of any economic policy which is both expedient and effective (p. 223-224, AWO - The autobiography of Chief OBAFEMI AWOLOWO)." Item two could not have been aimed at catching up with the East since most children in the East had no access to education before or after 1951. Furthermore, Awolowo as the Presidential candidate of the UPN in the 1979 election had the following in the Party's manifesto, "Free Education at all levels; Free Medical Services to all Nigerians (both curative and Preventive); Integrated Rural Development; and Full Employment for all Nigerians."
Personally, I do not think that there is anything wrong or bad if Awolowo's ambition with his free education program was for the West to catch up with the East educationally. Nevertheless, I am convinced that Mr Nwakanma is only out to seek ethnic glorification based on fictitious story. Generally, it is well established in most history books on Nigeria that because of Yorubas early contact with Europe they acquired Western education earlier than any other part of Nigeria (including the East). Who was catching up with whom educationally in Nigeria was expressed by Chinua Achebe as follows, "Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head start, the Igbo wiped out their (educational) handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the twenty years between 1930 and 1950 (p. 74, under A History of Ethnic Tension and Resentment, in There Was A Country; also on p. 46, under The Igbo Problem, in THE TROUBLE WITH NIGERIA)." In fact, it was not only in Education that the Igbo wiped out their handicap but also in dressing whereby, Azikiwe learned how to wear Yoruba attire, SÒKÒTÒ (AGADANSHÍ), BÙBÁ and AGBÁDÁ, which he introduced to his tribe's men in the East where they have since been counterfeited into various forms to suit Igbo taste.
There is no end to learning and as long as we live we will all continue to learn. Since we are yet to read where Chief Obafemi Awolowo said that his *Free education was necessary in order to catch up with the East* this forum will be very grateful to know from Mr Nwakanma the source of his information about Awolowo's statement on catching up with the East educationally even though we are not Awoist. However, in Obafemi Awolowo's Magnus Opus, (as I consider it) Path To Nigerian Freedom, 1947, one of the reason he adduced for Nigeria not being ready for self-government was expressed as follows, "The existence of a MICROSCOPIC LITERARY CLASS would lead to EXPLOITATION OF THE GREAT MAJORITY OF ILLITERATES BY THE INTELLIGENTSIA." Awolowo's free education strife was motivated out of desire to prevent few educated class to exploit the uneducated masses. Thus, when the formation of Action Group was announced on the 21st of March 1951, Awolowo wrote, "The basic principles which, therefore, have brought us together within the fold of the Action Group may be stated in the following words: 1. The immediate termination of British rule in Nigeria in every phase of our political life. 2. THE EDUCATION OF ALL CHILDREN OF SCHOOL-GOING AGE, AND GENERAL ENLIGHTENMENT OF ALL ILLITERATE ADULTS AND ALL ILLITERATE CHILDREN ABOVE SCHOOL-GOING AGE. 3. The provision of health and general welfare for all our people. 4. The total abolition of want in our society by means of any economic policy which is both expedient and effective (p. 223-224, AWO - The autobiography of Chief OBAFEMI AWOLOWO)." Item two could not have been aimed at catching up with the East since most children in the East had no access to education before or after 1951. Furthermore, Awolowo as the Presidential candidate of the UPN in the 1979 election had the following in the Party's manifesto, "Free Education at all levels; Free Medical Services to all Nigerians (both curative and Preventive); Integrated Rural Development; and Full Employment for all Nigerians."
Personally, I do not think that there is anything wrong or bad if Awolowo's ambition with his free education program was for the West to catch up with the East educationally. Nevertheless, I am convinced that Mr Nwakanma is only out to seek ethnic glorification based on fictitious story. Generally, it is well established in most history books on Nigeria that because of Yorubas early contact with Europe they acquired Western education earlier than any other part of Nigeria (including the East). Who was catching up with whom educationally in Nigeria was expressed by Chinua Achebe as follows, "Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head start, the Igbo wiped out their (educational) handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the twenty years between 1930 and 1950 (p. 74, under A History of Ethnic Tension and Resentment, in There Was A Country; also on p. 46, under The Igbo Problem, in THE TROUBLE WITH NIGERIA)." In fact, it was not only in Education that the Igbo wiped out their handicap but also in dressing whereby, Azikiwe learned how to wear Yoruba attire, SÒKÒTÒ (AGADANSHÍ), BÙBÁ and AGBÁDÁ, which he introduced to his tribe's men in the East where they have since been counterfeited into various forms to suit Igbo taste.
Writing to Segun Ogungbemi on Tuesday, 28 April 2015, Obi Nwakanma averred, "The hard fact is that there was no fundamental ideological differences between the Action Group and the Northern People's Congress. ... They each catered to the preservation of the same traditional conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the West and of the North."
Conversely, if there was ideological differences between the NPC and the NCNC (or was it ZIKISM) why was it that the NCNC was more comfortable with forming coalition government with the NPC from 1953 to January 15, 1966? Whereas, the Action Group and most especially Awolowo, objected to serving under a government led by a feudalist Northerner, the NCNC had always jumped into that conservative bed to romance with the NPC. What happened after Nnamdi Azikiwe as the leader of NPP in 1979 described himself as the beautiful bride? Yes, on 1st October 1979, Azikiwe's NPP joined the NPN in an accord of co-operation at the centre. The NPP was later given some ministerial appointments, some board memberships and some Ambassadorial positions. That political harlotry turned the Legislature into a rubber stamp Assembly for Shagari's corrupt NPN government. Of the preserved traditional conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the West and of the North, this is what Professor Chidi Osuagwu said about the East, "The Igbo identity crisis began in 1929. The British had just introduced the warrant chief system to enhance their colonial administration in Eastern Nigeria. IN THE NORTH AND WEST, THE MONARCHS MADE THE SYSTEM WORK. BUT THE EAST HAD NO MONARCHY WITH SUCH OVERWHELMING POWERS AS IN THE OTHER TWO (NORTH & WEST). THEY, THEREFORE CREATED WARRANT CHIEFS FOR THAT PURPOSE. THIS IS THE ROOT OF THE PRESENCE OF MANY TRADITIONAL RULERS AND AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES IN IGBO LAND, WITH THEIR ATTENDANT BOUNDARY AND CHIFTANCY VIOLENCE (www.vanguardngr.com/2013/09/aba-women-riot-split-igboland/)." Historically, we know that Lord Lugard imported red caps from Morocco with which he dignified the warrant chiefs that were later transformed into EZE. The traditional saying in Igbo is IGBO ENWE EZE which means Igbo have no Kings. With the introduction of Eze, Igbo retorted with EZEBUILO, which means KING-IS-AN-ENEMY. Igbo have always chosen to interpret this to mean that they are REPUBLICANS by nature. But the truth is that before the arrival of British colonialist, the Igbo leaved in small enclaves as anarchists with no organised societies like North and West. Before January 15, 1966, the East had Eastern House of Chiefs just like the West and the North and the Chiefs in the East till date are very proud of Lugard's gift of red cap instead of ADÉ (CROWN) won by Yoruba Kings. We should remember that the Kings in the West and the Emirs in the North were not created by Action Group and Northern People's Congress respectively.
From: rexmarinus@hotmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 13:22:39 +0000
Bode:
You might recall, the powerful Emir Sanusi of Kano too was deposed and exiled by an NPC government of the North. The NPC's northern program was also modernization - but as for "radical change" - that's taking it too far. The question has been thrown here, about how many northerners benefited from a Northern education program. The fact is every Northerner that went to school in the North had free education and generous scholarships. All we need to do is look at the range of Northerners that emerged in the national stage between 1954 and the postwar years, and you will begin to understand the extent of the northernization program in public education. As at 1959, Judith Safinat Attah was the first Northern Nigerian woman to attain a university degree. She went to school in Readings under a Northern Nigerian program on women's education. She returned as Education officer to the North managing and establishing Girls Secondary schools in Ilorin, Kano, Yola, and many cites where a new generation of Northern women were being educated. I point this out to cut through these rather unfounded assumptions, borne largely of misinformation, that the Awoist love very much, that no other regions were investing in education as did the Action Group government with its "Free education" program. Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly that his free education was necessary "in order to catch up with the East!" in much the same way as he also very clearly argued that the reason for progress in the East of his time, was because of the established "fidelity" between the East and its leaders. I'd like Awoists to read a lot of Awo. Bode, AG's political philosophy and its organogram was built on maintaining a traditional, conservative, power infrastructure. That was why, when Awo finally realized the limits of that program, and took the plunge with the so-called "young turks" in 1962 following their Jos Conference, intent on reforming the party and expanding its mission, the Action Group swooned into a massive crisis . The ideological cracks widened the internal power divisions that emerged in the party circa 1959/60.
Ayo Turton: "Zikism" - the philosophical and ideological constructions derived from the political writings and organizing principles of Nnamdi Azikiwe - is the ideology that Azikiwe left behind. Zikism is rooted on the idea of the "new African" and of an African renaissance based on five clear ethical foundations. Azikiwe coherently theorized this in 1937 in his Renascent Africa, for years considered the most important book on African political philosophy in one generation. As Walinmu Julius Nyerere, himself a Zikist, said while giving the Nnamdi Azikiwe lectures at Lincoln, "until my generation read Renascent Africa we did not know of the Africa that exists..." I personally had the great pleasure in 1997 at a private dinner organized for him at the home of his late friend, the distinguished economist Pius Okigbo, on Sanusi Fafunwa street in Victoria Island to meet Nyerere; and in my snatch discussions with him on the subject of Zik, he said, and I remember this clearly: "Azikiwe's ideas charted the course, and we all followed... ." So, for those who question the legacy of Zikist philosophy, they should excavate it in the works and writings of those who were driven by Zikist thought: Nkrumah, Ako Adjei, even the old intellectual nationalists like Kobina Sekyi, whose meeting with Zik in the Gold Coast in 1934/5 with Akunna Wallace-Johnson, changed the course of political discourse and action in Ghana; and in Nigeria many more; and across Africa many more.
There is only one truth which I am bound to concede here: Nigeria, as it is today, is the failure of the Zikist project and the triumph Awo's and Sarduana's ideas about nation. We can acknowledge this. As a political philosophy Zikism, as Zik himself clearly articulated it, is drawn from a hybrid of three methods: aspects of Fabianism, Garveyite Pan-Africanism, and Whitehead's pragmatism - drawn essentially from the influence of his teacher, Alain Locke, for whom he had been research assistant at Howard, and who himself had bee a student of James Whitehead's at Harvard. So, what is the ideology of Zikism: it is based on the idealist philosophy of Zik, that the renewal and modernity of Africa constitutes a moral and historical imperative, based on a method of sublate engagement, and anchored on five ethical foundations: mental freedom, economic determinism, spiritual balance, etc. Azikiwe's organizational principle is based on the "Ekumeku" method: to engage an unequal power, you must learn the slipperiness of the boxer, the patience of the Roman General Maximus Pontifex, and the necessity of dynamic motion. To be fixed to a spot is to be subject to overwhelming force. As for the quip about moving from "Zik of Africa" to "Owelle of Onitsha" - Zik himself was clear: the clear source of universality is locality. Zikism is a version of an idealist humanism, that can today be viewed from two lenses: the idea that social or renascent movements can be overdetermined, and secondly, that Africa as an idea constitutes a permanent renaissance based on the eternal philosophy of a permanently "new Africa," using whenever necessary, the Ekumeku method. I hope I have answered your questions.
Obi Nwakanma
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: seguno2013@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 04:25:52 +0100
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
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You might recall, the powerful Emir Sanusi of Kano too was deposed and exiled by an NPC government of the North. The NPC's northern program was also modernization - but as for "radical change" - that's taking it too far. The question has been thrown here, about how many northerners benefited from a Northern education program. The fact is every Northerner that went to school in the North had free education and generous scholarships. All we need to do is look at the range of Northerners that emerged in the national stage between 1954 and the postwar years, and you will begin to understand the extent of the northernization program in public education. As at 1959, Judith Safinat Attah was the first Northern Nigerian woman to attain a university degree. She went to school in Readings under a Northern Nigerian program on women's education. She returned as Education officer to the North managing and establishing Girls Secondary schools in Ilorin, Kano, Yola, and many cites where a new generation of Northern women were being educated. I point this out to cut through these rather unfounded assumptions, borne largely of misinformation, that the Awoist love very much, that no other regions were investing in education as did the Action Group government with its "Free education" program. Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly that his free education was necessary "in order to catch up with the East!" in much the same way as he also very clearly argued that the reason for progress in the East of his time, was because of the established "fidelity" between the East and its leaders. I'd like Awoists to read a lot of Awo. Bode, AG's political philosophy and its organogram was built on maintaining a traditional, conservative, power infrastructure. That was why, when Awo finally realized the limits of that program, and took the plunge with the so-called "young turks" in 1962 following their Jos Conference, intent on reforming the party and expanding its mission, the Action Group swooned into a massive crisis . The ideological cracks widened the internal power divisions that emerged in the party circa 1959/60.
Ayo Turton: "Zikism" - the philosophical and ideological constructions derived from the political writings and organizing principles of Nnamdi Azikiwe - is the ideology that Azikiwe left behind. Zikism is rooted on the idea of the "new African" and of an African renaissance based on five clear ethical foundations. Azikiwe coherently theorized this in 1937 in his Renascent Africa, for years considered the most important book on African political philosophy in one generation. As Walinmu Julius Nyerere, himself a Zikist, said while giving the Nnamdi Azikiwe lectures at Lincoln, "until my generation read Renascent Africa we did not know of the Africa that exists..." I personally had the great pleasure in 1997 at a private dinner organized for him at the home of his late friend, the distinguished economist Pius Okigbo, on Sanusi Fafunwa street in Victoria Island to meet Nyerere; and in my snatch discussions with him on the subject of Zik, he said, and I remember this clearly: "Azikiwe's ideas charted the course, and we all followed... ." So, for those who question the legacy of Zikist philosophy, they should excavate it in the works and writings of those who were driven by Zikist thought: Nkrumah, Ako Adjei, even the old intellectual nationalists like Kobina Sekyi, whose meeting with Zik in the Gold Coast in 1934/5 with Akunna Wallace-Johnson, changed the course of political discourse and action in Ghana; and in Nigeria many more; and across Africa many more.
There is only one truth which I am bound to concede here: Nigeria, as it is today, is the failure of the Zikist project and the triumph Awo's and Sarduana's ideas about nation. We can acknowledge this. As a political philosophy Zikism, as Zik himself clearly articulated it, is drawn from a hybrid of three methods: aspects of Fabianism, Garveyite Pan-Africanism, and Whitehead's pragmatism - drawn essentially from the influence of his teacher, Alain Locke, for whom he had been research assistant at Howard, and who himself had bee a student of James Whitehead's at Harvard. So, what is the ideology of Zikism: it is based on the idealist philosophy of Zik, that the renewal and modernity of Africa constitutes a moral and historical imperative, based on a method of sublate engagement, and anchored on five ethical foundations: mental freedom, economic determinism, spiritual balance, etc. Azikiwe's organizational principle is based on the "Ekumeku" method: to engage an unequal power, you must learn the slipperiness of the boxer, the patience of the Roman General Maximus Pontifex, and the necessity of dynamic motion. To be fixed to a spot is to be subject to overwhelming force. As for the quip about moving from "Zik of Africa" to "Owelle of Onitsha" - Zik himself was clear: the clear source of universality is locality. Zikism is a version of an idealist humanism, that can today be viewed from two lenses: the idea that social or renascent movements can be overdetermined, and secondly, that Africa as an idea constitutes a permanent renaissance based on the eternal philosophy of a permanently "new Africa," using whenever necessary, the Ekumeku method. I hope I have answered your questions.
Obi Nwakanma
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: seguno2013@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 04:25:52 +0100
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Thanks Ayo for your response. I get disturbed when some of our Ibo intellectuals present hear says as historical facts to smear Pa Awolowo. A man who contributed so much to the unity of Nigeria. Any form of invented history by anyone will not be a fact of history when its goals are to distort historical facts that we know.
I think it is false to say that there is "no ideological difference between NPC and AG," for instance, AG propagated free education for all while NPC rejected it. How many schoolgirls enrolled in schools in the North where NPC was a dominant political party? How many almojiris went to school in those days in the North? Today, you will not be surprised that a number of intellectuals, scholars, professionals from the defunct Western Region were able to be what they are now as a result of free education ideology and policy of the AG.
I want everyone to know that I am a 'student' of interdisciplinary studies because it offers better knowledge and understanding of humanities.
Prof. Segun Ogungbemi
Prof. Segun Ogungbemi
I cannot see anything in the rather rhetorical question of Mr. Ogungbemi that limits the understanding of who will qualify as an historian to the traditional definition of an historian.
His question could as well be asking if OA is an "historian" in the mould of Edmund Wilson or Paul Krugman. The operative part of his statement is for OA to stop saying or write what he doesn't know.
The truth is that no matter how many times a lie is told, a lie told a million times will still not make it the truth. I will like to challenge OA as an intellectual to provide us with the link or the source of his information where Shagari attested to Awo's double-dealing.
That is another gospel according to Igbo intellectuals just like the "masterpiece" tales by the moonlight of "carpet-crossing" in the Western Region, manufactured by Zik and Mbadiwe and perpetuated by the likes of Chinua Achebe. I hope you know that didn't happen as well.
I am prepared to supply you with the names of everyone that participated in that election and the party they represented.
The truth is that there is the Nigerian history and there is the Igbo-made version of Nigerian history.Well if there is no ideological difference between NPC and AG, how come that Zik the different one was always the one to quickly jump into others bandwagon?
I am still putting this challenge out there, what was Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe political ideology? Where did he stand as a politician?
Best,Ayo Turton
On Apr 28, 2015 9:28 PM, "Ibrahim Abdullah" <ibdullah@gmail.com> wrote:Interesting question. From Zik of Africa to the Owelle of Onitsha. This says it all about Zik. The history of post-colonial Nigeria would have been different If only he had stayed in the West to tough it out. But he choose to retreat to his Dar: to defend his 'home' turf like Awo and Sarduna. And the result? The fractured nation-state that we now call Nigeria.The singular legacy of the notorious trio is the nation-state that has refused to come to terms with meaningful citinzeship as the key marker of modernity.----------------------On Tue, Apr 28, 2015 at 7:53 PM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:Dear Segun Ogungbemi:In this era of interdisciplinary work and multi-disciplinary research, particularly in the humanities and social sciences, the generic boundaries of the disciplines have almost nearly disappeared. Serious scholars doing cutting edge research no longer ask that question. It is like asking the entomologist, Edmund O. Wilson, if he is a historian, given his work in the biospheric and ecological history of the species, or the economist Paul Krugman, if he were a Political Scientist, Literary critic, or journalist. We no longer live in these silos. Permit me to suggest that your question to Ogugua is not only presumptuous and patronizing, it is frankly meaningless and myopic! What does it mean to be a historian? Is political or literary memoir a valid source for historical research? I'm just now reading Paul Anderson's finely edited collection of George Orwell's journalism, (Orwell in Tribune: 1943-7) from a compilation of Orwell's column, "As I Please" in the London Tribune. Is it literary criticism, political writing, or journalism? I do not wish to belabour the point.Perhaps, it would have been more profitable to this forum if you had essayed a more concrete rebuttal to challenge the facts as Ogugua had presented them. Many of the claims he makes are actually in the public records. Proceedings of the Coker commission are public record. Interviews, and statements by active political agents of that era of history are valid historical testimony, and certainly, Alhaji Shehu Shagari testifies to the evidence that Ogugua calls up. Unless you can claim some deeper insider knowledge in the operations of any of the parties in that period, your knowledge of such events, however old and present you were in those times, can only be contingent on the kind of fragmented and mediated knowledge made generally available to the public. Not everyone present at the unfolding of the events of history know its true contours. The true value of history is that it is preserved in documents - diaries, memoirs, court records, minutes of meetings, newspaper interviews and reports, and sometimes first person oral accounts of close participants of events. If you have those, and you have alternative information and perspective that might challenge the primary argument, share it, rather than making opaque quips that do not add or shed new light to the discussion.The more significant fact for me however is how Nigerians have generally not taken a closer, more critical look at the political culture of the first republic. W have relied mostly on hear-say and myth. The hard fact is that there was no fundamental ideological differences between the Action Group and the Northern People's Congress. They had the same programmatic vision, to the point of echoing each other in places. They each catered to the preservation of the same traditional, conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the west and the feudal oligarchies of the North. AG was as oligarchic as the NPC in spite of all the attempts at later-day revisionism. All we need to do is examine them closely using historical data and analysis. So, to hyperventilate about why the NCNC, founded on a broad coalition of trade and town unions, the Labour movement, Literary and Debating societies, socialist organizations, and the like, made the pragmatic choice to work with one over the other amounts in some ways to navel-gazing, i'm afraid. The north was threatening to pull out of the federation in 1954/55 and in 1959/60; Azikiwe and his party's choice was principally to preserve the nation as an independent commonwealth by reassuring the leaders of the north. Zik, in fact, sublimated his own personal ambitions for the sake of that goal. This is historical fact.Obi Nwakanma
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: seguno2013@gmail.com
Date: Tue, 28 Apr 2015 23:06:01 +0100
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comoa,Are you an historian? If you are, which area of history is yours? And if you are not, please don't say or write what you don't know. There are still many of us who were living witnesses of the political and historical events of the defunct Western Region and other parts of the country before and after independence.This forum is meant for the dissemination of intellectual and scholarly discourse with a view to contributing to Pan-African dialogue. Let us focus on intellectual facts and not self-glorification of any political idols.
Prof. Segun Ogungbemi
After the hung 1959 federal elections, Awolowo did propose to Azikiwe that their parties come together and form the government at the center with Azikiwe as the prime minister. What is true too is that although Awolowo public claimed that he would not serve in a feudalist government in partnership with Ahmadu Bello's party, he (Awolowo) was contemporaneously, secretly consulting with Ahmadu Bello to form such a coalition government at the center. Shehu Shagari said he was. Shagari was Ahmadu Bello's confidant, and emissary to Azikiwe after the 1959 elections. He informed Azikiwe that Awolowo was two-faced and should not be trusted by either Ahmadu Bello or Azikiwe. Awolowo's two-timing has been claimed to be the proximate cause of Azikiwe's swing away from Awolowo and toward Ahmadu Bello.
Akintola and Awolowo's disagreement was first economic before it was political. Akintola wanted some of the propitious economic/business privileges (spoils) of the office of premier of Western Nigeria that Awolowo continued to enjoy even after he, Awolowo, was no longer premier and had relocated from Ibadan to Lagos. Awolowo refused to give them up. Akintola would not take "no" for an answer. Hell broke loose from then on and an economic/business disagreement over the spoils of the office of the premier of Western Nigeria became political as it was bound to become if it was not amicably and promptly resolved. The disagreements led to what became known as the Western Crises which was one of the reasons for the January 1966 military coup.
Awolowo did become the leader of opposition at the center- Lagos. He was determined to become prime minister even without an election mandate. He was suspected of, investigated, and accused of planning to overthrow the federal government by force. He was arrested, charged to court, and prosecuted fairly under the law. He had ample opportunity to defend himself and he did robustly. One of his defense lawyers was Sir Dingle Foot- a highly competent, senior British lawyer (Queen's Counsel). Awolowo along with some of his co-conspirators, was convicted after their treasonable felony trial by the very well-respected Supreme Court Justice George Sowemimo (an Abeokuta man). Awolowo was sentenced to ten years in prison. Awolowo was serving his sentence in Calabar prison until his release by Emeka Ojukwu and not Yakubu Gowon as some revisionists of history have claimed.
A majority if not all Nigerians should share Ugo's sentiments when he says " We (Nigerians) need to aim higher and to do so with belief and determination!" This will be less likely to happen if history continues to be intentionally misreported and misrepresented to present and future generations, and always misunderstood.
Mistakes were made in the past. It is time the all effort must be to not repeat the same or similar mistakes are not repeated. There is enough national, state, and other communal experience already to inform the enlightened construction of an achieving country in which all citizens who are prepared to work hard, have faith and true love of country would have peaceful enjoyment of the duties, right and privileges of equal citizenship.
oa
From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Salimonu Kadiri
Sent: Sunday, April 26, 2015 5:08 PM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just"..... and my thinking is that his (Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments would have been inclusive and reflected the then diversity of NCNC as well,"- Ugo Nwokeji.
Historically, we all know that there was no exclusive NCNC/NPC government in 1955 but a national government. Therefore, Ugo Nwokeji thinking about Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments in an inclusive way to reflect the then diversity of the NCNC could not be put to test. Nevertheless, after the 1959 federal elections the results showed that NPC, NCNC AG and their respective allies won 148, 89 and 75 seats respectively in the 312 members of Federal House of Assembly. Since, none of the political parties had absolute majority to form a government, Chief Obafemi Awolowo expressed the view to serve in a national government led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The AG and NCNC had 168 members as against NPC's 148 in the Parliament. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Goent. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Government comprising of NPC, NCNC, and AG. The AG leader, Obafemi Awolowo, said that he could not serve in a feudalist led government. Then, on Sunday, 20 December 1959, and in spite of opposition from its ally in the North, NEPU, Azikiwe's NCNC announced a coalition government agreement with the NPC in which Balewa was to become Prime Minister of the federation. The NCNC even agreed to the demand of NPC that no member of the NEPU should be appointed to ministerial post or any other government institutions. Awolowo decided to be the leader of opposition in the Federal Parliament. Azikiwe coldly calculated that the highly educated NCNC would dominate those he had named feudal autocrats, non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies of the NPC even if the leader of the government was a feudalists. The federal coalition government between NPC and NCNC of 1959 onwards gave Azikiwe's NCNC the opportunity to put to test his vision of inclusively distributing federal appointments to reflect the diversity of the NCNC, but it did not happen. The political disagreement between Awolowo and his deputy Samuel Akintola arose out of the latter concern that because Awolowo refused to join the federal government, the NCNC had excised Yoruba indigenes out of federal government's appointments. The rest is history!!
Ugo Nwokeji wrote, "...the aim of Zik and people who shared his mind-set to forestall Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism, has failed."
Ugo Nwokeji with his proclamation of Zik's anti-Nazism philosophy reminds one of George Orwell's 1946, Politics and the English Language wherein he stated, "Political language - and with variations this is true of all political parties, from conservatives to Anarchists - is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give appearance of solidity to pure wind." There has never been National Socialists, derived from the German Nationalsozialistische, in Nigeria. What we have had and still have are tribalists who came with the idea of master tribe destined by God to dominate other tribes in Nigeria politically and economically. It is ironical that he who introduced tribalism into the body politics of Nigeria should be talking of Nazism (National Socialism) rearing its head into Nigeria. When Nnamdi Azikiwe returned to Nigeria in 1937, The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) had been in existence since 1922 with Herbert Macaulay as the general Secretary and Joseph Egerton Shyngle as the President. The NNDP had won all elections to the Legislative Council in Lagos from 1923 to 1938 when it was defeated by the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). In fact NYM was an off-shoot of Lagos Youth Movement that was founded in 1933 by James Churchill Vaughan, Ernest Sissei Ikoli and Samuel Adesanya as leaders. When the NYM won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council in 1938, Azikiwe decided to join NYM. Besides Ikoli and Adesanya, Azikiwe stated that among the leaders of NYM at that time were, Dr Akiola Maja, H. S. A. Thomas, Jubril Martin and Dr Kofoworola Abayomi. "Prominent among its backbenchers were Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief S.L. Akintola, J.A. Tuyo, Hamzat A.Subair, F. Ogugua-Arah, S.O. Shonibare and L. Duro Emmanuel," Zik wrote in his Selected Speeches. Azikiwe desired leadership role for himself which was very difficult to achieve with the calibre of those in the leadership of NYM. Therefore, when a bye-election nomination over who should contest the election to the Legislative Council to replace Dr Abayomi who was on specialist study in UK turned sourer within the NYM, Azikiwe seized the opportunity to join other forces to scuttle the NYM. By 1943, NYM was in coma and NNDP won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council. That same year, Nnamdi Azikiwe founded the first tribal Union in Nigeria called *IBO FEDERAL UNION* and installed himself as the President. The name was later changed to *IBO STATE UNION.* He was immediately imitated by Eyo Ita who also founded *IBIBIO STATE UNION.* Then in August 26, 1944, Azikiwe founded NCNC and named himself the Secretary and Herbert Macaulay the President. Herbert Macaulay was 80 years old in 1944 and remained the Secretary of NNDP that was still winning elections. He had no need for a new party but the foxy Nnamdi Azikiwe targeted him for the purpose of riding on Macaulay's popularity to power. When Herbert Macaulay died on May 7, 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the President of both NNDP and NCNC. Thus at the Legislative Council Elections of December 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe, H.P. Adebola, T.O.S. Benson, Dr Ibiyinka Olorunmbe and Adeleke Adedoyin contested and won on the platform of NNDP. After the 1951 elections Azikiwe buried the NNDP until 1964 when Akintola outfoxed the foxy Azikiwe by reincarnating NNDP. It is worth remembering that five years after the Ibo Federal Union was founded by Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed in Lagos by Adeyemo Alakija, Dr Akinola Maja, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Chief Bode Thomas, Chief H. Oladipo Davies, Dr Akanni Doherty and others. In the North, Dr Dikko and others founded Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa translated to Northern People's Congress. It is s by Adeyemo Alakija, Dr Akinola Maja, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Chief Bode Thomas, Chief H. Oladipo Davies, Dr Akanni Doherty and others. In the North, Dr Dikko and others founded Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa translated to Northern People's Congress. It is also noteworthy that while members of IBO STATE UNION were automatically affiliated to NCNC, members of EGBE OMO ODUDUA could belong to other parties. Thus, Oladipo Davies was an active member of NCNC and at the same time member of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. If there had been no IGBO STATE UNION, there would have been no tribalism in Nigeria. Very soon there will be OBA OF YORUBA IN ONITSHA, ABA, OWERRI, and ENUGU in response to EZE NDI IGBOS OF LAGOS.
From: ugo@berkeley.edu
Date: Sat, 25 Apr 2015 16:12:24 -0700
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comThanks, Obi, for sending this edifying speech. It comes across to me as fair, principled, democratic and inclusive, and the method of sharing power he outlined seems to have been in consonance with "Royal Instructions to ... the Governor-General". Inclusiveness and fairness should not rankle any Nigerian, but if puzzles me that some people just cannot accept that. For context, NCNC's 63 came from ALL over southern Nigeria (in some places more than others, of course, and a few from the Middle Belt), and my thinking is that his vision for distributing NCNC's appointments would have been inclusive and reflected the then diversity of NCNC as well.These are important principles to strive for in a country like ours -- in fact, in any nation -- in spite and because of human imperfections that can dilute their realization. But is very sad that, instead of getting better toward the realization of these principles, instead of us being better than Zik was way back in January 1955 (!), some people still seek division, oppression and rabid hatred for people from other ethnic groups. This is how -- very unfortunately -- the aim of Zik and people who shared his mindset to forestall "any form of Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism" has failed. We are going backward. It is sad that in spite of all the education and exposure Nigerians today (compared to January 1955), the country has made little progress and even has regressed on a number of critical fronts.We need to aim higher and to do so with belief and determination!UgoG. Ugo NwokejiDirector, Center for African StudiesAssociate Professor of African American Studies
University of California, Berkeley
686 Barrows Hall #2572
Berkeley, CA 94720
Tel. (510) 542-8140
Fax (510) 642-0318Twitter: @UgoNwokejiFacebook: facebook.com/ugo.nwokejiOn Sat, Apr 25, 2015 at 1:41 PM, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:Unprincipled politics, political harlotry and chop-chop politics in Nigeria began in 1955. Hear Nnamdi Azikiwe, "It is true that this constitutional pattern will present a situation in which the NCNC will have a majority in the executive and the Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC) will dominate the legislature. ..."I believe that the NCNC and the Northern Peoples' Congress can work a government in which the former (NCNC) dominates the executive and the later (NPC) controls the legislature..(see p.127-130, ZIK - Selected Speeches of Dr NNAMDI AZIKIWE from where Rex Marinus has culled his article)." Why was Azikiwe interested in having the NCNC dominate the executive i.e. Ministerial posts and ceding the domination of the legislature to the NPC? In his address as the President of Ibo State Union at Enugu on December 15, 1950, Nnamdi Azikiwe said, "In the North, the feudal autocrats and their minions have spared no time in making it easier for non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies to flood the Northern House of Assembly. With due deference, may I say that these marionettes are entitled to about fifty per cent of the seats in the central legislature (p. 113, ZIK - Selected Speeches of Dr NNAMDI AZIKIWE)." By January 8, 1955 Azikiwe realized that non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies from the North that dominated the central legislature could be exploited to rubber stamp the ministerial agenda of NCNC dominated executive and that was why he sought for coalition government with the NPC. And the NCNC ideology was nothing but petty bourgeoisie chop-chop at the expense of the masses.
From: rexmarinus@hotmail.com
To: umuahians@googlegroups.com; usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com; igboworldforum@yahoogroups.com; nigerianworldforum@yahoogroups.comigboworldforum@yahoogroups.com; nigerianworldforum@yahoogroups.com; igboevents@yahoogroups.com; naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
Date: Fri, 24 Apr 2015 19:47:07 +0000"As the hierarchy of our great party, the National Executive committee meets today to tackle some of the burning political problems which confront our country. The composition of the Federal House of Representatives has been determined. The personnel of the council of ministers is yet to be decided. You have a rare privilege in deciding who should be ministers of state to represent the Eastern and Western regions of the federation of Nigeria. I hope you will discharge this sacred duty patriotically and realistically.
The results of the Federal elections have placed the parties roughly as follows: Northern Peoples Congress, 84, NCNC 63, Action Group 20, KNC 6, UNIP 5, Idoma States Union, 2 Middle Belt Peoples Party, 2, Igbirra Tribal Union 1, Nigerian Commoners Liberal Party, 1. This means that no one political party has established a clear majority over the other parties. According to the Royal Instructions to His Excellency, the Governor-General, if such a situation arises then he shall consult with leaders of the majority political parties in each region in order to appoint the ten ministers, of whom the NCNC will be entitled to six.
It is true that this constitutional pattern will present a situation in which the NCNC will have a majority in the executive and the Northern Peoples Congress will dominate the parliament. The question arises: can the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress operate a government in which either party is in a position to paralyze action? If so, can such a government be stable enough to win the confidence of the peoples of Nigeria and the outside world? Otherwise, must Nigeria be subjected to another spate of conferences for the revision of its constitution?
I believe the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress can work a government by agreement in which the former dominates the executive and the latter controls the legislature, provided that both parties intend to give the new constitution a fair trial. I have two reasons for subscribing to this view. In the first place, the leaders of the two parties have publicly expressed the desire to give the new constitution a proper chance of survival. The resent hiatus is an opportunity for both parties to demonstrate good faith. In the second place, the present constitutional situation is not unique in the political history of mankind. I want you to realize that in the United States today, the Republican Party controls the cabinet, and the Democratic Party dominates the Houses of Congress. The question of whether such a hybrid government can be stable has been answered in the United States, whose constitution, by the way, is partially our model, and where the Democratic and Republican parties have bridged the gulf of their differences by establishing an accord based on bi-partisanship. That, ladies and gentlemen, is a lamp to guide our feet towards the building of goodwill and understanding in Nigeria, in spite of our political differences.
I will admit that there is an ideological chasm between the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress, but I will submit that, in the realm of practical politics, such a chasm can be bridged by a span of mutual respect for each other, based on a bi-partisan policy of government by mutual accord. Therefore, the fact that the NCNC is in a position to dominate the Council of Ministers, and the Northern Peoples Congress is poised to control the House of Representatives does not preclude the possibility of a bi-partisan policy which should enable each of the cooperating political parties to co-exist and exert salutary influence on policy, be it at the executive or legislative level.
Having dispelled the mist from the atmosphere, we can now see clearly enough to enable us to se who will be our standard bearers in the Council of Ministers appointed from the Eastern region and from the Western region. As soon as this has been done, we shall charge our ministers with the responsibility of maintaining cordial relations with their colleagues in the Council of Ministers. They should be warned that, whilst they would not expected to compromise on fundamental issues on which the party feels strongly, they should not hesitate to consult the party hierarchy for guidance and direction so as to avoid unnecessary embarrassment. The same goes to those of you who are members of the House of Reresentatives.
The NCNC believs that there is room in this country for different shades of political opinion. Unlike a certain other political party, we shall not seek to destroy our identity; rather we will gladly cooperate with any political party which is honest in it intentions, sincere in its outlook, and genuine in its programme. But the NCNC will not encourage any form of Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism."
· Nnamdi Azikiwe addressing the joint meeting of the NCNC Federal Parliamentary parliamentary caucus and the National Executive Committee, Jan. 8, 1955 in Lagos. <
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