Bode, I'm afraid Osuntokun's premise is fundamentally different from mine. Osuntokun asks for the accommodation of these institutions, I do not. I am not a monarchist or an imperialist. I do not subscribe to the extreme conservatism of preserving any structures of inequity that countermands the goal of Nigeria's modern republic, whose central obligation as a nation is to defend the freedom and equality of its citizens. I do not, frankly, know what you mean by a "proto nationalist" - these terms detract rom the simple logic of my claims, and this is, that Nigeria is founded on the principle of a democratic republic, and any claims to titles, territories, privileges, and dominion within it, outside of its sovereign basis is both illegal, and is anathema. I do not subscribe to the formation of "new kingdoms within old kingdoms," I simply say that as a matter of course, nobody can determine what free choice a citizen makes where they settle within the Nigerian federation.
If India with longer, grander, princely states, and a vaster multiethnic society can abolish the monarchies and titles by an act of parliament, nothing says Nigeria cannot, however explosive it might be in certain quarters. If it is properly explained to Nigerians, at least 82% will be in support of such abolition. But since you think "proto nationalists" like me are too passionate about the Nigerian republic, I think proto-monarchists like you, may as well understand that part of the means by which these institutions may be directly contained is to actively undermine them. Create as many little kingdoms as possible within these kingdoms, so that at the end of the day, each family unit will be its own kingdom. And each unit will defend their domain as best they should. That is one way of doing it. The other way is to use the legislative act, and the consillient force of the Federal government to enforce the laws of the republic. It is the failure to do this that has resulted in the corruption, crisis, and the inability of Nigeria to create a coherent, integrated, and progressive state.
Obi Nwakanma
Date: Sun, 25 Oct 2015 08:15:21 -0400
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - A republic of two thousand kings! My column on Thursday 29 th of October
From: ominira@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Obi, You have arrived at the premise of Professor Osuntokun's piece. I do not consider it controversial. I have an article that I am yet to complete for almost 15years now that examines the incommensurabilities of the Nigerian Republic. This issue of kingships is one I have been thinking about for some time, and hopefully soon, in the next year or so, I will share with you a complete version if you are interested.
Yes, this is a republic but as Prof Osuntokun said, the British consolidated Monarchy under indirect rule and the postcolonial state has not decided what it wants to do with the institution. Abolition of the emirate in the north and the kingships in general, he argues, was too explosive to consider. I am sure you would agree with that. So, where is the difference, he concludes by implication, if we can't abolish old kingdoms, we should not be setting up new ones, especially where they come in conflict with old ones. This, you disagree with because the people everywhere in Nigerian should be able to set up new communities and install new kings as a matter of citizenship right. That right to new kingships is inconsistent with the premise of the Republic that we started from. But your real position seems to be that we all have kingship rights even if it undermines our idea of a republic or none should have them for fairness. I know you have a dog in the fight because you are emerging as one of the most articulate proto-nationalists at the moment, judging from your powerful statements I excerpted yesterday. I do not mean this derogatorily, and I am sure you are proud of your role and stand by your passionate statements and convictions. But the question of the citizenship right in a REPUBLIC to install new kings where none had historically existed confounds me greatly as a theorist. It introduces another layer of contradiction. And it seems to me more informed by your proto-nationalism than by any real crisis of citizenship as such.
You alluded to segregated neighborhoods and communities in Europe and the United States as models for Nigerian nationalities' self-segregation. I was about to sign off, but could simply say, really? You have just pointed us to the great monuments of exclusion, to the failures of modern European migration, and for that to be our model? Do not forget the frustration, the poverty and violence that emanate from those enclaves that seem outside of all state rights. It is those neighborhoods that symptomize the crisis of citizenship. The Jewish and Chinese neighborhoods? I am sure you do not want segregation based on notions of the elect and the middle kingdom in Nigeria.
Here we are attempting to justify segregation and monarchy on the basis of a proto-nationalist ideology of citizenship rights.
About 10 years ago, I took a tour across the country and could not be more impressed by the beauty and diversity of the place called Nigeria. Most places were strange to me, in the sense that they were new to my world of experience. I knew little about the places and had to ask a lot of questions to find my way around. This is an everyday event for thousands who move around the country and carries no political signification. That everyday experience is simply not the same as the stranger/settler paradigm you want to impose on it. Everything wouldn't fit into that pre-independence history and should not be seen from that lens alone.
On Sat, Oct 24, 2015 at 6:52 PM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:
Bode, in a republic, there can be no kings, whether old or new. And about your feeling strange in Anambra. Well, I'm certain you'd not be more estranged than the Ijebu who until 1951, were regarded as "strangers" in Ibadan, and their section of Ibadan, around the Ijebu by-pass, regarded as something of the home of the "Ara-oke" by the Ibadan people. When in February 1951, the "Native Settlers Association" met to press for their rights against the Ibadan peoples pressure to maintain their "stranger status," guess who these "strangers" were in Ibadan? Oshilaja Oduoye, M.S. Sowole, Dr. Ikejiani, Alfred Des Dokubo, who was editor of the major newspaper in the city, the Southern Nigerian Defender, Abdderehahman Bida, and of course, Obafemi Awolowo, who was legal adviser of the "Native Settlers Association." In other words, the man who later became premier of the West was considered a "stranger" in that city. But they did not stand for it. These "strangers" met, created their own organization, and forced new considerations in defence of their rights. That is the legacy that we must defend in the creation of a modern nation.Obi Nwakanma
Date: Sat, 24 Oct 2015 16:43:40 -0400
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - A republic of two thousand kings! My column on Thursday 29 th of October
From: ominira@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com.....and Obi, good luck with the abolition of kingship in Nigeria. But do not abolish the old kingships alone, for equity sake, abolish the new ones too.On Sat, Oct 24, 2015 at 1:25 PM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:Bode, I think you are deliberately twisting Ugo's point, and smashing the kernel of the argument. Ugo is not making a case fo segregation. In many of the world's leading metropolitan centers there are distinct neighborhoods that add colour and variety to city and communal life. There are the Jewish Communities, the Italian, little China towns, Spanish, Latin quarters, Greek, Irish, etc. These pockets of communities also have their own community leaders, and integrate in city life, in spite of these diverse and specific differences. What makes the difference is that they are all equally protected under the common law. No Frenchman for instance, goes to the Moroccans, the Senegalese, the Jews, the Spaniards, the Lithuanians, the ethnic Albanians, etc. in their various groups in Paris, to question the election of their community leaders, or what they choose to call these. Any of the members of these communities can contest municipal elections and are protected under the common law. The difference in the argument you make is that the proliferation of identity in settled places leads to segregation, and that we must not cross the lines of settled forms of traditional authority. What Ugo is arguing is quite simple, and that is the argument that those who have responded, including Bayo have made: every group living with the space called Nigeria has a right to its identity, and if they choose to maintain that identity within the idea of a diverse Nigeria, that is well and good, and if they choose to elect and name their community leaders, that is also quite well. No one should make them aliens, on the score of a difference that emphasizes the "settler/alien" paradigm that you are currently defending. No Nigerian citizen is alien. The only immigrant to Nigeria is a non-citizen of Nigeria, as defined by the constitution, who, until they choose to naturalize, should register as an alien/ visitor/guest. But not a bona fide Nigerian, anywhere in Nigeria!Nigeria is also a democratic republic. It should be made clear that the real contradiction is the continued, and illogical permission which the state grants individuals in this republic to continue to bear titles, and claim royalty. It contradicts and undermines Nigeria's claim as a federal, democratic republic and it upturns and damages the central principle of republicanism: the equality principle which is enshrined in the laws of the Republic. Above all, it creates two, contradictory dimensions of authority, that competes for loyalty, and therefore makes loyalty to the republic impossible. India, which had grander Maharajahs and other kings resolved that question, when by an act of parliament, it abolished the privy purse and the princely states (native or traditional kings) because a democracy and a republic cannot function pari-pasu with these entities. India was Lord Lugard's reference point in introducing "indirect rule" as part of the imperial mandate. It is, in the light of the possibility of greater African modern nationhood, an anachronism which the conscious intellectual must help to bury, not sustain. Neither Ugo nor I, is arguing for the maintenance of difference based on the proliferation of the monarchy, but the rights of individuals to establish community, and elect their leaders, through a democratic process, and in furtherance of whatever legal interest they pursue within the federation of Nigeria. It is to underscore that neither the Emir of Kano, nor the Obi of Onitsha carries legitimate weight to regulate that right. In my view actually, these titles are illegal given the clear and settled provisions of Nigeria's Federal, Republican constitution.Obi Nwakanma
Date: Sat, 24 Oct 2015 11:58:56 -0400
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - A republic of two thousand kings! My column on Thursday 29 th of October
From: ominira@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comprecisely my point. you endorse perpetual segregation. this segregation is accepted nationwide as the norm as you just did in your response. if all the ethnicities do is reproduce their homeland and the structures of their traditional authority all over the federation, there cannot emerge a modern and united nation. that does not mean we can stop the formation of such structures. we can however debate their relevance in the light of recent conflicts. this is all Professor Osuntokun's essay does in my view. by the way, i know this issue quite well, my in-law was one such leader in Zaria before his death, that position he held simply underscored their recognition of being strangers in the north. they were not ready to assert Nigerian citizenship for their protection that was why they formed a community and bounded together. i do not think that their status as citizens was diminished by the realization that they were in a federal republic with diverse people and laws that they must respect. if that was necessary in the 1960s to have these parallel structures of authority for their protection, I wonder when the national government would be strong enough to give confidence to all Nigerians that they do not need tribal associations and kingships for protection.On Sat, Oct 24, 2015 at 11:13 AM, Ugo Nwokeji <ugo@berkeley.edu> wrote:Bode,
In case you didn't know, Hausa migrants in other regions of Nigeria, certainly in Igboland, normally have headman, who lead in settling disputes amongst them, galvanize their community to support other community members in difficult times, and liase between the Hausa communities and host societies. I don't care what they call them (though I believe that in large urban centers they are called "Sarkin Hausa", which translates as "Hausa King", and Ndi-Igbo themselves call them "Eze Hausa") , but it is a fantastic arrangement, which shouldn't ruffle feathers. Really, why should bother anybody. I will feel obliged to defend the right of the Hausa communities to have leaders if anybody should try to take it away from them. Why does this so-called Eze Igbo matter rile some people so much in Yorba and? It doesn't bother people in any other part of Nigeria. That's the question we should be asking.
Ugo
On Oct 24, 2015 4:03 AM, "Bode" <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:Ugo: You are defending the self --segregation of certain group I dare not name and the simultaneous invention of parallel traditional authorities as a right of citizenship in a modern nation sate and you see no contradiction in your thinking, that makes you a separatist and a tribalist in thought and soul. We can disagree on what federalism and citizenship means without throwing up labels but you can't help it because you are paranoid. You should take my suggestion seriously and see a psychiatrist for your needs.On Sat, Oct 24, 2015 at 12:45 AM, Ugo Nwokeji <ugo@berkeley.edu> wrote:Bode,
You don't you pull tribalism from the hat. You are the tribalist par excellence. The fact that I am defending citizenship rights does not in any way amount to "separatist" and "tribal" agenda, but the opposite of that. Only in your warped mind would that kind of logic make sense. The same you, who somehow associated my pro-citizenship rights in a FEDERAL state (the same that obtains in the United States, Canada, Switzerland, Austria and Germany) with a unitary arrangement a few short months ago, would now accuse me of advancing a "separatist" position. How do you do that? Do you even think, Bode? You are just blinded by prejudice to bring separatism into it, perhaps hoping it would somehow stick once you throw at certain kinds of people. It just doesn't work that way.
It is rather your xenophobic opposition to citizenship rights of your compatriots that is both tribalist and separatist, my friend. You can put a lipstick on a pig, it is still a pig. Only you can purge yourself of your xenophobia, tribalism and separatist sentiment that lie behind your arguments and illogicalities, such as I have highlighted above.
Remember what I wrote some months ago when you were making your xenophobic argument: "We don't have tribes, but we have tribalism, in the sense that we have people with a tribal mentality"?
Ugo
On Oct 23, 2015 2:08 PM, "Bode" <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:You are a fascist, Ugo, and there is nothing to gain from an exchange with you. You are using a modern concept of citizen to promote a separatist tribal agenda. So, for you citizenship means Yorubas can self-segregate everywhere and install kings for themselves in every community they reside in Nigeria or even in London and New York, they can install Obas everywhere as a right of (global) citizenship. You do not see that self-segregation and reversion to monarchy is the real problem here because you are blinded by ethnic loyalty. The nation state that confers the right of citizen requires integration not self-segregation and civic participation not reinvention of non-existent and archaic kingship. Kingship if you must be told derives from the lineage system, it is a close knit system of kit and kin. for those who never had kings to expend their rights of citizenship in installing kings everywhere does not simply undermine the nation state, whose rights they claim to embody but also shows a level of degeneration and lack of understanding of the institution of kingship, that only you can fail to see.On Fri, Oct 23, 2015 at 2:37 PM, Ugo Nwokeji <ugo@berkeley.edu> wrote:Bode,
If you detest being labeled as xenophobic, stop advancing xenophobic positions. It is as simple as that.
Ugo
From my mobile phone
On Oct 23, 2015 11:12 AM, "Bode" <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:Ugo,You are poisoning the wells again. It is a chronically anti-intellectual, and fascist tendency that you exhibit.BodeOn Fri, Oct 23, 2015 at 12:16 PM, Ugo Nwokeji <ugo@berkeley.edu> wrote:Well-said, Obi and Bayou,
I have said it seems many times before, the problem in Nigeria is that many, including some of the most educated Nigerians, cannot grasp the meaning of national state, let alone being a citizen in it. Otherwise, how can somebody refer to, or reduce, their fellow citizens as foreigners or visitors? It is ridiculous that this is the kind of debate we are having in the 21st century. Referring to, reducing or treating fellow citizens as foreigners in order to deny them citizenship rights under any guise is xenophobic. It has no other name. Period.
Ugo
On Oct 23, 2015 8:50 AM, "Bayo Amos" <aaeoee@gmail.com> wrote:"Bode, I think you miss the point: I do not defend the institution, but the rights of the individual to the freedom of self expression guaranteed by citizenship, and covered under Nigeria's charter of human rights. I have very little interests in these titles. But I think that a Yoruba man who wishes to be known as "Oba Awon Yoruba" or "Olu Yoruba in Zaria" has the right and in fact the obligation to defend that right. Under constitutional rule, and under the principle that covers his citizenship, the Emir of Zaria is just another citizen in Zaria, equal in status to a Yoruba in Zaria, who may be a tailor, vulcanizer or Professor. Nigeria is not a monarchy, and Zaria is in fact, part of the Nigerian federation. The Yoruba man, who is a citizen of Nigeria is no "visitor" to Zaria but a citizen of Nigeria resident in Zaria. So, if this Yoruba man wants to be "Agalaba-ji-Igwe in Zaria," for as long as he does not claim to establish extraordinary military and political control that questions the sovereign - in this case the constitution - he has the rights. It is that right we must defend, not the rights to subdue him."---ObiI am Bayo Amos and I approve this message.We should stop inventing crimes where none exists. I have examined this Eze Ndigbo thing but I am yet to really see where he erred. I know Mojere Market and the market in question, a section of Ilesa Garage, is dominated (at least 70%) by Igbo. Why can't Igbo determine what's obtainable in a market dominated by them? If there is any dispute, why must it necessarily be taken to Deji's palace? What happens to our courts? And where is it written that if a citizen is summoned by Deji, he or she must appear before him?If we care so much about Deji's powers, we should strive to put such in our laws, not this nebulous method of appealing to custom or tradition that are not really enforceable in our courts, at least in this case. In our individual minds, we might think Deji is bigger than Mr Gregory, but in the eye of Nigerian laws, there is no distinction.On Fri, Oct 23, 2015 at 9:27 AM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:Bode, I think you miss the point: I do not defend the institution, but the rights of the individual to the freedom of self expression guaranteed by citizenship, and covered under Nigeria's charter of human rights. I have very little interests in these titles. But I think that a Yoruba man who wishes to be known as "Oba Awon Yoruba" or "Olu Yoruba in Zaria" has the right and in fact the obligation to defend that right. Under constitutional rule, and under the principle that covers his citizenship, the Emir of Zaria is just another citizen in Zaria, equal in status to a Yoruba in Zaria, who may be a tailor, vulcanizer or Professor. Nigeria is not a monarchy, and Zaria is in fact, part of the Nigerian federation. The Yoruba man, who is a citizen of Nigeria is no "visitor" to Zaria but a citizen of Nigeria resident in Zaria. So, if this Yoruba man wants to be "Agalaba-ji-Igwe in Zaria," for as long as he does not claim to establish extraordinary military and political control that questions the sovereign - in this case the constitution - he has the rights. It is that right we must defend, not the rights to subdue him.
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