Bode, I know about one imperialism. It is the mother-of -all expansions. But I'm quite curious about the other, and would be very glad to learn something of it from you. I mean, you do know something I do not.
Obi
From: ominira@gmail.com
Date: Tue, 27 Oct 2015 16:11:17 +0000
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's Intervention
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Obi,
I think there is Imperialism with capital "I" and there is imperialism with small "i". But that is another discussion for another time.
Bode
On Tue, Oct 27, 2015 at 12:04 PM Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:
Bode,As an Igbo, I believe that all men are born free and equal. My statement is a statement of inclusion that summons the Igbo to work in equal partnership with all who believe in the equality and liberty of all peoples. So, you might rightly say, I belong to the Vanguard of the Republic. I might just as well say that you, being a royalist, and a defender of the hegemon, belong to the royalist/monarchist vanguard. We are ideologically opposed in that regard. But you cannot call me an imperialist, since we belong to the same country, unless you dispute this, and I am not expanding the frontiers o Nigeria, just expanding the frontiers of Nigerian liberty. The Imperialist is made of a different kind of fiber. But yes, I advocate that the Igbo should work towards the spreading n Nigeria of the ideas of individual liberty and the end of the kind of false privilege upon which corruption has been founded and maintained in Nigeria; and which has excluded a vast array of Nigerians from the benefits of independence and sovereignty on the false premise of protecting culture and tradition.
Obi Nwakanma
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's InterventionObi,You go on to say:"I want the Igbo read the poet, Olu Oguibe's powerful poem, "I am Bound to this Land by Blood." The should walk firmly in Nigeria, make so much money that they can buy up the National Assembly, and the Federal government if they choose, whether they occupy political positions or not. In fact, they should ignore public positions, and let others do the work for them, while they control the leverage of power in the shadows, with the principal aim of defending the Republic, so that no Nigerian, who subscribes to the ideal of the nation, should suffer discrimination, abuse, or injustice, irrespective of whether they are Yoruba, Hausa, Idoma, Igbo, Igala, Berom, Efik, Urhobo, etc."This seems to me to be primarily a program of Igbo empowerment, which is totally legitimate. Yes, secondarily, you link Igbo empowerment to the liberation of Nigeria from the autocracy of tradition and the promise of citizenship rights for all. But again, how can this not be construed to be very much like the Napoleonic vanguard and imperial battle to export Republicanism and free Europe from the dark ages of medieval monarchy. So, it is not my intent but your words that should be in focus. Much as I loathe to do this for my esteem of you, and would want to retreat from this discussion, your question prompts me instead to ask you to be sensitive and think about what other Nigerians reading your statements would think about them. They are more likely to take away from it not a campaign for citizenship rights but a political aspiration in your words to "control the leverage of power in the shadows." I repeat for an umpteenth time: I am for citizenship and/with respect, these are not mutually exclusive. I can in fact work with you on the empowerment of the Igbo in whatever capacity you want me to if it is based on citizenship and respect. Also, I can from my neck of the woods remind us all of the ethics of African hospitality as a more pragmatic solution for the protection of the rights, and more importantly, welfare of migrants and minorities. That is of course in addition to what must be our collective insistence on just and equitable laws.cheers,BodeOn Tue, Oct 27, 2015 at 10:00 AM Anunoby, Ogugua <AnunobyO@lincolnu.edu> wrote:Great statement and good advice for the intended audience. If only more people will reason as Obi has done and have the courage to put out similar reasoned statements for public consumption. I neither intend nor presume to speak for Obi. He can speak for himself better than I or indeed anyone else can for him. Unlike some forum contributors, he does not have a muddled understanding of the meaning of a constitutional republic. He recognizes that Nigeria is a constitutional republic. He believes in the primacy of the constitution and the equality of citizenship including rights, obligations, and privileges, that it promises to all law abiding citizens, as all non-indulgent faithful citizens of a country should be. He understands that custom and tradition may be part of citizens lives but recognizes as some seem not to do, that they are not the law, are subordinate to the law, and may only be practiced within the law, not outside it. He seeks inclusion and rejects exclusion. He is not only a good student of history, he learns from it. I commend him as he should rightly be.
oa
From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Bode
Sent: Monday, October 26, 2015 5:12 PM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's Intervention"You see, the Igbo must stop pussy-footing around Nigeria. Either choice they make will be at great cost. If they choose secession, it will not go unnoticed, and it will lead to many lives being lost. If they choose to fight for every ground the occupy in Nigeria, it is bound to cost them some lives too. So, I think they must gird themselves up, and put up that fight against anybody who threatens them in Nigeria, because frankly, the Igbo have no business giving up the Nigerian space which they now own by blood." ObiOgugua: How do you behold the above statement? Just curious.--On Mon, Oct 26, 2015 at 3:24 PM Anunoby, Ogugua <AnunobyO@lincolnu.edu> wrote:To change the conversation, there is tribalism. There is xenophobia. Does anyone know which is worse for its beholder and society? Could one be a beholder of them both? Would the beholding of either one of them, or worse still both of them, not be undesirable in world in which people need to get along better by embracing inclusion and rejecting exclusion? I wonder, in the knowledge that to wonder is to be discerningly curious- seeking the truth?
oa
From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Ugo Nwokeji
Sent: Monday, October 26, 2015 12:42 PM
To: usaafricadialogue
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's Intervention--Bode,Yo can't make this up: It is certified, mental illness is an ingredient in your xenophobia. I didn't even bother reading whatever dictionary definition of "basic". I cannot respond to you in kind because you deserve sympathy from all of us. It must be difficult to live a wretched and angry life. However, I cannot accept xenophobia, couched in whatever way, as part of enlightened discourse.As I have advised you, for your own good, only you can cure yourself of your xenophobia.Basic rights are reserved for some categories of foreign immigrants, perhaps even illegal immigrants; citizens of a country are entitled significantly wider rights than "basic rights". Insisting your fellow citizens living in their own country deserve only "basic rights" is xenophobia. For context, you came up with this bizarre formulation when we were discussing the threat of the Oba of Lagos to drown Igbo residents of Lagos if they did not vote for his candidate.Ugo--G. Ugo NwokejiDirector, Center for African StudiesAssociate Professor of African American Studies
University of California, Berkeley
686 Barrows Hall #2572
Berkeley, CA 94720
Tel. (510) 542-8140
Fax (510) 642-0318Twitter: @UgoNwokejiFacebook: facebook.com/ugo.nwokejiOn Mon, Oct 26, 2015 at 9:51 AM, Bode <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:Ugo:simple example: as the moderator stated of his experience. while he has the right to drink bear all he wants, that right is not a basic right and thus he cannot invoke his right of citizenship to violate the restriction that Sokoto places on that right. you get it? that is a federal system. in a unitary system Sokoto would not be able to place that restriction. The same goes for Ondo and Owerri. There are local restrictions everywhere that the communities put in place. so long as they do not violate the basic rights, the fundamental rights, if you have problem understanding the word basic, they can do so within a federal system. but you are questioning the right of those communities to the restrictions they happen to have because any Nigerian should not face any restrictions that the federal government does not place on them. while the right to association as a basic right is not in dispute, the right to a king or kingdom within existing kingdoms could be. You and Obi see this right to a king or kingdom within existing kingdoms as a fundamental right for which the Nigerian citizen could kill and die for, others, like me have the right to disagree.--On Mon, Oct 26, 2015 at 12:28 PM, Bode <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:Ugo,You have a very limited understanding of the English language. It is a shame that if you don't know what basic means, you as a professor at UC Berkeley cannot use the help of a dictionary. I have just copied the Oxford English Dictionary for you to read and hopefully you will apologize to me if your ego is not too big for doing so for your malignant attacks. Rights in all societies where they matter are basic rights, that is, irreducible, fundamental rights that everyone is entitled to regardless of who they are and where they may be located. That is why the preamble to the American constitution only highlights right to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. These are basic rights across board. This would suggest that there are rights that anyone could claim and exercise depending on their location but which may not be basic or fundamental, some of these could be privileges of some sorts. What you want is all "full" rights and privileges regardless of location within a federal system, that is a unitary system. You are not attentive to nuances.you have used the term xenophobia almost 100 times. you must have been watching too much American politics about how to define and demonize your opposition. that does not bother me, your ignorance bothers me.On Mon, Oct 26, 2015 at 11:24 AM, Ugo Nwokeji <ugo@berkeley.edu> wrote:Obi,
I explained federalism to Bode back in April, using other examples of federal systems, including Canada and the USA where many of us live and enjoy the benefits citizenship, but he insisted in calling it a "unitary' system and that federalism means that citizens who choose or find themselves in states other than the ones their ancestors were born are entitled NO MORE than 'basic rights"! The quoted words are his. I don't know that makes kind of mindset makes him arrive at such conclusions.
Bode has a problem.
Ugo
From my mobile phoneOn Oct 26, 2015 5:36 AM, "Bode" <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:--the particularism is yours, in your mind. when I say the Ondo have a say, I am saying the people living in Ondo, whoever they may be. I living in Lagos cannot impose on them and it requires a majority of them to have that say, so you have not said anything new that having a say by the people does not already capture. That say across the country is constitutionally protected in the federal republic--On Mon, Oct 26, 2015 at 5:53 AM, Rex Marinus <rexmarinus@hotmail.com> wrote:Bode, federalism does not mean particularism, it just means devolution of power between federating states. The thing with nation is that it permits the internal mobility of citizens. So that, you may be born in Akure, and you may decide to reside and purse your life in Minna, with no limits to your citizenship rights. If you were born in Ibadan for instance, and you choose to live in Enugu, you're obligated to change your residency status within a specific time, and all rights and privileges of living in Enugu will be permitted to you, as well as all civic obligation - which means that you'd be expected to pay your tax, and perform all other civic roles. But you'd still be entitled to your conscience, and your right to associate, and express yourself in whatever way you choose. In other words, you have become an Enugu state person or resident, even with your Yoruba identity intact. If the likes of you get to a good number or a density where you have enough votes, you may even say, we like to propose, and put to vote that the Yoruba language be included in the language taught in Enugu schools, and used for deliberation in the Enugu HoA, and you raise the petition, and campaign for it. If it passes, Yoruba becomes a language of use in Enugu state. And so on and so forth. My point is populations shift, settled cultures change, and even at that, all citizens are protected under federal laws, whether they live in Ekiti or Mushin. Federalism is a union of constitutions, and nothing more.Obi NwakanmaDate: Mon, 26 Oct 2015 03:16:57 -0400
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's Intervention
From: ominira@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comAnd if we reinsert the term "federal" into the republic, we arrive at a much different understanding of the resolution to the dispute than if we were to simply emphasize "the republic". For the word "federal" is not ornamental, it is there to deliberately give the Ondo people some say in the matter, much as "the republic" is there to protect all individuals. That equilibrium between the right of the individual Nigerian and the Ondo in this instance is necessary to the maintenance of justice and fairness in the federal republic.BodeOn Sun, Oct 25, 2015 at 7:30 PM, Bode <ominira@gmail.com> wrote:Much as I like Okey's piece, he argues two contradictory points:1, Any wonder why those of us who are otherwise well-schooled in the liberal arts and sciences and who boast impeccable credentials as "democracy and human rights activists" would break your skull if you question why you should be somebody else's "subject" in a Republic?This question presumes that a Nigerian should not, if he choses not to, be subject to a Monarch in Ondo by virtue of his right to live in a republic of modern Nigeria, not under a medieval-style monarchy. This is an important objection only if this were the case at hand. But it is precisely what professor Falola suggested when he said in italics "I am a Nigerian in Ondo, not an Ondo man, and this difference has to be respected." This I read both ways, but Okey seems to have read it only one way. Professor Falola spoke to the dynamics of national and local differences. The Nigerian in Ondo may choose not to be Ondo, that is, be subject to the Ondo monarch, and his choice should be respected. By the same token, it also means that the Nigerian must respect the difference that Ondo represents to him if he has chosen in Okey's words not to be subject to its dark ages milieu. The question to Okey would be, short of a violent outcome, what should the Nigerian do if the dark ages milieu in Ondo contradicts his personal beliefs and political stance? Professor Falola has it exactly right: mutual respect! Also, the problem with Okey's characterization is that the Nigerian in this instance is not asking the same question of the republic as Okey presumes. The Nigerian is asking to be subject to another medieval-style monarchy inside Ondo that is neither national nor Ondo. It is not a desire for republicanism but an exchange of monarchical subjectivity. I can wager that the Ondo may respect his right not to be subject to the Ondo monarchy if he invokes his right within the republic. They would rightly be perplexed though if he is instead setting up a parallel monarchy to rival their own Ondo monarch. It is in this sense that the Ondo people's right to one monarch should equally be respected.2, Rotobi Street--named after the richest Yoruba family that have lived in Owerri longer than over 95 percent current of all residents of the city. Can we not see anything wrong with perpetually excluding these citizens from the life of the city? Is it justified to claim that a "Sokoto man" who has been in Owerri longer than Eze Njemanze III (the current "traditional" ruler of Owerri) can never be an "Owerri man," whatever that means?This second point is the better of the two but contradicts the first in the sense that hybridity already presupposes that the Nigerian no longer sees the milieu in Ondo as those of dark ages and is no longer as aversed to his subjectivity within it much as he is reciprocally accepted in the cosmopolitan spirit both as a Nigerian and as a member of the Ondo community. This point would suggest a rapprochement that would have eliminated the anxiety that produces the need for a parallel monarchical authority. If he left it here, I would have been glad and celebrated his piece. But he then goes on to suggest that there are two presidents in DC: the President of the United States and the President of the Association of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. By this gesture, he vitiates the republican objection, which is the stronger argument, and admits rightly, though inadvertently, that the problem here is not monarchy versus the republic. The problem is new monarchy versus old monarchy.Bode IbironkeOn Sun, Oct 25, 2015 at 5:52 PM, Okey Iheduru <okeyiheduru@gmail.com> wrote:"If the Ondo people say they must have only one King, let it be, if only to protect the poor and the powerless, and call the leaders of groups and associations by other names, Chairman, President, etc. I am a Nigerian in Ondo, not an Ondo man, and this difference has to be respected. If they celebrate their Ogun festival, if I cannot join them, that should not be time when I will bring my Ibadan festival to their doors. They have the right to be angry" --- Prof. Toyin Falola.1) As someone who has been called names or had innuendos unjustly hauled at me before on this forum, I couldn't agree more with Oga Falola's intervention about the need for civil discourse.2) I do, however, wish to take issues with portions of Prof. Falola's take on the "Republic of two thousand kings," especially the ones I've excerpted above.As the Eze Ndi Igbo controversy raged, what continued to exercise my mind was this question: Why would or do Igbos in Akure need to have an Eze ("monarch, leader, spokes persons--take your pick) of their own in that city or territory? Is the Eze Ndi Igbo different from the Sarkin Hausa in Owerri or the Sarkin Garki, Okigwe? Is the title or purpose different from the Yoruba Oba in Owerri which position has been in existence since the 1920s when Shell Petroleum Corp established its first-ever headquarters in Nigeria right there in Owerri (ever heard of "Shell Camp", Owerri?)? In short, why would a group of Nigerian citizens of one ethnicity in another part of Nigeria dominated or "owned" by another ethnic group feel the need to have a "monarch" of their own?Two answers immediately come to my mind. One is the incomplete or unequal citizenship that has been the bane of all efforts supposedly geared towards creating social cohesion in Nigeria (and, indeed, much of post-colonial Africa). Our "one Nigerianess" is always defined by our ethnic identities that have been officially rendered irrevocable. The other answer is the frightening speed at which neo-medieval impositions and/or assimilation is ravaging the country while we pretend to pursue "secularist" and "modern" aspirations, even as we fail to grasp the contradictions. I'm referring to the apparent perfunctory assimilation of socio-economic and power structures similar to what obtained in the European "Dark Ages" of pervasive insecurity and which made recourse to self-help or the protection of rapidly multiplying "war lords" imperative as a matter of survival. Any wonder why those of us who are otherwise well-schooled in the liberal arts and sciences and who boast impeccable credentials as "democracy and human rights activists" would break your skull if you question why you should be somebody else's "subject" in a Republic? Not only that, being a "chief" seems to have become the crowning moment in the careers of many an academic in our neck of the woods. Why should the auto parts trader in Akure or Oturkpo be different, if in the Antonio Gramscian perspective, the intelligentsia are championing or legitimizing this pernicious brand of cultural hegemony that advances the interests of ruling elite?Part of the reasons for our incomplete and/or unequal citizenship (hence, or social cohesion conundrum) is the colonial policy of defining and drawing ethnic identities in stone whereas these same identities have always been fluid in the same "Africa" we so fiercely claim to defend and celebrate in the Diaspora. This is why I am puzzled that Prof. Falola, our own Giant of African history, would make the following statement: "I am a Nigerian in Ondo, not an Ondo man, and this difference has to be respected." I'm not sure why, like the Flanders ultra-nationalist who do not foresee ever sharing their ethnicity with a French Belgian, Prof. Falola does not realize that he seems to have foreclosed the possibility--and the reality in many cases on the ground, even though some of us privileged intellectuals refuse to accept it--of cultural hybridization, assimilation, or even "exit, loyalty and voice" in the Albert O. Hirschman sense from identity groups as we know them today in Nigeria. Should academics lend legitimacy to rigidly exclusionary concepts of citizenship and at the same time wonder why the Hausa or Yoruba in Owerri--or any other similarly excluded group that have probably contributed more to the development of the host-community that continues to define them as the Other--would seek to create a "king" of their own? If we go beyond the seemingly irresistible excitement about "the Igbo problem," we are likely to discover that most major urban centers in Nigeria (and I dare say, in Africa) are grappling with this problem which African academics may be inadvertently exacerbating.A little factoid can help contextualize my stance on this matter. This Christmas, over 2,000 cows will be slaughtered in Owerri--as has been done since the last 100+ years, but there are no "indigenous" cattle breeders in that city. Millions of dollars, Euros, CFAs, yuan, etc. (perhaps greater than the entire money in the vault of the local Central Bank of Nigeria branch in the state) will be exchanged in the parallel forex market at Ama Awusa, Owerri. This "industry" is controlled over 90 percent by "Hausa" operators, with Igbos sometimes being contended as middlemen. All the stew pots cooked for all manner of ceremonies in the city will depend on onions that few Owerri residents care to know how they're produced. No celebration for chieftaincy, anniversaries, weddings, diaspora thanksgiving, etc. in the city will be worth it without a trip to Rotobi Street--named after the richest Yoruba family that have lived in Owerri longer than over 95 percent current of all residents of the city. Can we not see anything wrong with perpetually excluding these citizens from the life of the city? Is it justified to claim that a "Sokoto man" who has been in Owerri longer than Eze Njemanze III (the current "traditional" ruler of Owerri) can never be an "Owerri man," whatever that means?Neither "Ondo people" nor "Owerri people" have historically or always had one king or festival. It would be patronizing, or even downright insulting for a non-initiated like me, to remind historians about the relationship between migrations and cultural osmosis and the making of the both ancient and modern Africa, nay our world as we know it today. Must we always see the performance of Birnin Kebbi festival in Owerri as a threat and "reason to be angry," rather than an opportunity to enrich the cultural heritage of all that live in Owerri? The latter perspective seems to be more in line with what modernity, let alone cosmopolitanism (really, why we're all academics/intellectuals) is all about. It calls for neither assimilation nor rejection of the Other, even from a minority, less powerful position. As Zvetan Thodorov (the French historian) reminds us, we're all cultural hybrids; and the 21st century belongs to those who, while not giving up who they are, are willing to borrow from the Other and create something new in a truly "transdisciplinary" sense. Perhaps, that explains why the Igbo are always "causing problem" wherever they call home. But they also cherish the fact that no one is calling for the arrest of the "President" of Egbe Omo Oduduwa in Washington, DC. because the First Citizen of the city--and the most powerful ruler in the world--who lives in the White House goes by the title "President."Peace as always!OkeyOn Sun, Oct 25, 2015 at 9:22 AM, 'M Buba' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:Very timely intervention, indeed. But before this name-calling door is shut, and now that you've mentioned Sokoto (someone has to!), I'd like to point to the completely unprovoked attack on Sokoto, the Sultan and the Baobab tree on a piece about (1915) railway in a 10-point agenda for Buhari by Dele (Pulitzer) Olojede:"Today Sokoto has a few baobabs and a Sultan. Who cares about baobabs and Sultans?"I thought great traditions and diversity are at the heart of the narrative of Sokoto and its Sultan and its baobabs. So, we must all care about their symbolic significance in the light of UN's Sustenable Development agenda. Mr Olojede has caused unnecessary hurt to a whole value system, possibly because he's aware that no one cared enough to discuss his piece, let alone flag this unhelpful assessement of a 1915 puported dialogue between Lugard and the newly turbanned Sultan Muhammadu Maiturare!In this and similar unhelpful comments, the question to address is, as the Kenyan anti-corruption czar noted in his Uganda address:"what must Africa do going forward?"Well, one thing that Africa(n scholars) can do is to go beyond the borders and begin to spend some extended period of time in their 'home' universities, in order fully to understand, document and analyse the multi-layered discourse of ethnicity, citizenship, indigeneship and related identity-affirming nomenclatures. At the local level, these concepts become labels whether or not they are properly understood as such. As scholars, the need for you to come home and face these public policy fiascos has never been greater.If there's anyone out there who cares about Africa going forward, and is able to overlook the shortcomings of the Sultan and our baobabs, we'd like to give them a place in the sun.Wassalam,Malami
Prof Malami BubaDepartment of English Language & LinguisticsSokoto State UniversityPMB 2134, Birnin-Kebbi Rd,Sokoto, NIGERIAOn a "Republic of two thousand kings" by Professor Osuntokun which I posted to generate a vibrant debate, it is time to make my intervention before I begin to reject future postings on the subject:
1. Scholars are expected to define and work for the ideals, as in our struggles to eliminate racism in the US, and dangerous group politics in Africa that have produced genocide in Rwanda, and civil wars everywhere.
2. In defining those ideals, we are privileging civic/secular institutions over the primordial. The primordial has its values, and they structure our identities, but it has its limitations in terms of citizenship in modern states. Scholars have to look for the best in those primordial and look for the best in the evolution of our modernity. No one can ask me not to eat my favorite food, amala and abula, as I cannot stop anyone from eating their dishes. But my food preference should not be the total determinant of my being and politics.
3. We have to be sensitive to people's lives. Irrespective of practices, anything that can lead to violence, killing the innocent, exodus of people, etc. must not be encouraged. Any statement or measure that lead to the death of one person is irresponsible anywhere in the world.
4. Local cultures must be respected. I have had alcohol in Sokoto, but I went to the spaces they created for it. I even had cold beer in Maiduguri but in spaces they allowed me to. The hotel in Sokoto said I should not bring alcohol into the room. I think it is disrespectful for me to smuggle alcohol into the room. If Muslims want no pork, why make institutional arguments over the selling of pork. If the Ondo people say they must have only one King, let it be, if only to protect the poor and the powerless, and call the leaders of groups and associations by other names, Chairman, President, etc. I am a Nigerian in Ondo, not an Ondo man, and this difference has to be respected. If they celebrate their Ogun festival, if I cannot join them, that should not be time when I will bring my Ibadan festival to their doors. They have the right to be angry.
5. Our cultures are in transition, and there are those who profit from the maintenance of the old. That profit may generate their conclicts.
6. Without a diversified economy, xenophobic arguments will be made. We have not created enough opportunities for our people. We accumulate resources that are not distributed very well. Every human being deserves the right to good food, good health, access to water, and a good bed to sleep at night. We should work for this common good, see them as fundamental rights of citizens. The empty stomach of a Kanuri is not different from the empty stomach of an Ijo man.
7. The poor are short-changed. New warlords have emerged all over the country collecting money from poor traders, transporters, market women, etc. The contemporary Eze, Sarkin, kabiyesi etc. are not "traditional" but new devices in the political economy of resource extractions and expression of bigmanism. The politics of the "big man" is a dangerous one which scholars should be careful to support.
8. All scholars must support and promote the efficiency of the informal sector, as this is the key to the survival of the majority of our people.
Dear scholars, stop calling yourself names that undermine our collective integrity as migrant scholars: silly names as eccentric, Old Lady, xenophobia, eccentric, separatist, tribalist, etc. Make your arguments, as Mbaku, always the hero in all these arguments, do.Toyin FalolaDepartment of HistoryThe University of Texas at Austin104 Inner Campus DriveAustin, TX 78712-0220USA512 475 7224512 475 7222 (fax)
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
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For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "USA Africa Dialogue Series" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to usaafricadialogue+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
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