Clampdown on Boko Haram, injustice against North –Buhari
Stop Killing Boko Haram Members – Buhari Tells FG
and many more
When I cried out on this group agst the Fulani herdsmen terrorism, some people, particularly Salimonu worked hard to absolve the Fulani herdsmen of the crimes, only for the Fulani herdsmen and their politician sponsors to increasingly, openly, insist they committed those crimes and justify them.
Now, virtually the entire South is armed agst the terrorists.
What am I saying now?
Until the North and the South are divided, until all Nigerian ethnicities decide whether or not to remain in Nigeria, Nigeria will not grow significantly, will not be a generally peaceful place, to the best of my understanding.
It is likely to be one primitive struggle after another for power making it impossible to mobilize the huge resources needed for the nation to truly enter the 21st century.I am not saying anything that Ojukwu did not declare in his Ahiara Declaration in his stubborn refusal to surrender in 1969 when Biafra was at a particularly low point, perhaps bcs he knew that the war would not go away but resurface another day bcs the fundamental forces that led to the war remained very much active.
Ojukwu is gone but we are bearing the brunt of insisting on our ostrich head in the sand mentality.
We have moved from Boko Haram to Fulani terrorists, practically the same thing, only the Fulani terrorists are for now, under the control of their masters, unlike Boko Haram that may have become a problem for them after the govt went ahead with the state of emergency in 2013.
Ojukwu is gone but we are bearing the brunt of insisting on our ostrich head in the sand mentality.
We have moved from Boko Haram to Fulani terrorists, practically the same thing, only the Fulani terrorists are for now, under the control of their masters, unlike Boko Haram that may have become a problem for them after the govt went ahead with the state of emergency in 2013.
That is why the region is the most volatile in Nigeria and the proximate cause of the Nigerian Civil War through the anti-Igbo pogrom of 1966 and its continual replication at smaller scales across the decades.
Now, another war looms through the govt's abetting of Fulani terrorism.The culture and aspirations and mentalities that dominate the Muslim North and the South are too different to peacefully co exist.
The Muslim North is defined by such fantastic oddities as senators defending the culture of massacre of Fulani terrorists and getting away with it.
Islam, on its own, is problematic enough, a religion built significantly on violence and conquest, demonstrated in its history and its central scripture, and not experiencing significant reform in its existence, unlike the other Abrahamic warrior religion Judaism, which may be seen as entering such a phase by being forced to endure centuries of exile after the Roman invasion of Jerusalem and the once bloodthirsty Church, which was defanged by the Reformation and the forces of secularization in Europe, but the kind of Islam Usman dan Fodio imported into the Hausa states is clearly one that is particularly less than fully humane, to put it mildly.
Those Southern governors- SW, SE and Edo, who are preparing themselves agst the Fulani threat and the govt's efforts to reward the terrorists with land stolen from other Nigerians, have smelt the coffee.
People like myself expected nothing better from a Buhari govt but even I did not expect such brazen craziness.
'Those whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad' the Greeks would say.
We are all witnessing together.
toyin
On Sun, May 8, 2016 at 7:52 PM, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:
Boko Haram was fed by Buhari, their chief public supporter, the person who argued that the war against Boko Haram was war against the North, canvassing for the terrorists to be invited to Aso Rock - Oluwatoyin Adepoju.
The above written statement of Oluwatoyin Adepoju falls within Thomas Hobbes philosophical insight that states, "Where men build on false grounds, the more they build the greater is the ruin." The ground on which you build your claim of Buhari being the supporter of Boko Haram was false and whatever you erect on that foundation must crumble. The first two bomb blasts under Jonathan administration occurred outside Eagle Square, Abuja, on 1st October 2010. Eight persons were confirmed dead. When it became known that Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) was behind the bomb blasts, President Jonathan publicly absolved MEND. But in South Africa, a MEND leader, Henry Okah, in case no. A570/10 swore to an affidavit that MEND was responsible for the bomb blasts and that President Jonathan knew about it with the intention to pin it on some Northern elements who were contesting PDP's presidential ticket with him at that time. Raymond Dokpesi, the campaign manager of General Ibrahim Babangida, was arrested by Security Agencies in connection with the bomb blasts but he was released when Babangida withdrew from the race. Thereafter, Dokpesi was adopted into Jonathan's campaign team.
Fast-tracking events to 17 January 2012, we found that Nuhu Mohammed Marafa (alias Babawo) a suspected financier of Boko Haram and a close associate of Jonathan's vice President, Namadi Sambo, was arrested for illegal possession of Arms and ammunitions. Although he was charged in a Magistrate Court, the case was dismissed for lack of diligent prosecution by Jonathan's prosecutors. On 28 April 2012, the then Jonathan's National Security Adviser, General Andrew Owoye Azazi, stated at an interactive security conference in Warri that the Boko Haram insurgency ravaging the country had its roots in the People's Democratic Party (PDP). Azazi was immediately removed as the NSA and died shortly afterwards under a mysterious helicopter crash. On 26 May 2012, Senator Ali Ndume, through his lawyer, Mr. Ricky Tarfa, swore to an affidavit that Vice President Namadi Sambo gave Boko Haram the telephone number to call for peace process and that all his, Ndume's, dealings with Boko Haram were with the acquiescence of President Jonathan's deputy. The PDP senator, Ali Ndume was being tried for treason and illegal contacts with terrorists. On June 23, 2012, an attempt to bomb a mosque in Fage Local government area of Kano was aborted. Boko Haram was immediately credited with the bomb attempt, but Boko Haram denied it. On 2 November 2012, Major General Mohammed Shuwa (Rtd) was murdered in Maiduguri. Boko Haram denied involvement through its spokesman, Abu Mohammed Abdulaziz. On that same day, 2 Nov. 2012, President Jonathan's Federal Government announced that Boko Haram had appointed General Mohammadu Buhari as its negotiator in the proposed peace talks. Buhari replied that he could not negotiate on behalf of a group whose murderous escapades across the land were clearly anything but Islamic. By October 16, 2014, CDS Alex Badeh announced a cease-fire agreement with Boko Haram but we know how that ended.
As for the Chibok's girls abduction I have to appeal to your reason and not emotion. Borno state had been under emergency rule since 26 May 2013, with curfew between 19PM and 07AM. Soldiers and police were (supposed) to patrol and guide important locations, including where the Chibok's girls were quartered, all the hours of the day under emergency rule. Mark you, neither the Police nor the Army in Bornu were under the control and command of governor Shettima. How then could he have stage-managed the kidnap of the Chibok's girls, Toyin? Answer that question reasonably and not emotionally.
S.Kadiri
Date: Sun, 8 May 2016 16:06:09 +0100
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - why the army failed to defeat BH under jonathan
From: oluwakaidara1@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comBoko Haram was fed by Buhari, their chief public supporter, the person who argued that the war agst Boko Haram was war agst the North, canvassing for the terrorists to be invited to Aso Rock.If not for Buhari and those of the Northern Muslim political elite for whom Boko Haram was a proxy tool, the GEJ govt would have been able to move faster in eliminating Boko Haram from regular attacks on churches and govt installations which they achieved by by 2014, after convincing the populace in the Muslim North that Boko Haram were not acting in their interests as they had thought, the group having ridden into popularity in that region on the wave of 'Power Must Return to the North' mantra exemplified by Atiku Abubakar's threatening Nigeria with violent change bcs a Muslim Northerner was nopt made PDP Presidential candidate for 2011 and likely President, as shown in this 2010 image capture from Atku's Twitter account.
The Chibok story was an act of sabotage and treason by gov Shettima of Borno state who kept the Chibok school open agst the orders of the fed govt that schools in that region should remain closed for security reasons, thereby enabling the kidnap story, the decisive blow to the image of the GEJ govt.Boko Haram is almost certainly the work of Northern Muslim politicians, as the Fulani herdsmen terrorists are also their work, as evidenced by the support the terrorists have got from Buhari's strategic silences on the massacres they commit and his tardy comments when forced to speak by Nigerian's outcry, and the Northern governor's forum and Northern senators group through their public comments on the subject.Until the North and the South are divided, until all Nigerian ethnicities decide whether or not to remain in Nigeria, Nigeria will not grow significantly, will not be a generally peaceful place, to the best of my understanding.It is likely to be one primitive struggle after another for power making it impossible to mobilize the huge resources needed for the nation to truly enter the 21st century.Why so?
I could examine that in another post.We need to examiner the political and structural character of this nation and the roots if that structure, and the relationship of these indices to the probable direction of the nation.The scenario is already unfolding.toyinOn Sun, May 8, 2016 at 2:09 PM, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:Buhari is anxious to prove that he is doing what GEJ could not do. So why are we not being told what weapons he has bought .... - Oluwatoyin Adepoju.
On resumption of office, 20 January 2014, the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Air Marshal Alex Sabundo Badeh, assured the nation that by April 2014, Boko Haram and its murderous insurrection would be history. He said, "I can say confidently that that this war is already won. The security situation in the North East must be brought to a complete stop before April so that we will not have constitutional problems in our hands." The constitutional problems envisaged by Badeh was the likelihood of the national assembly not granting Jonathan's request for the extension of emergency rule after May 2014. However, after Badeh's declaration of intension, on 20 January 2014, to finish off Boko Haram at the end of April 2014, Boko Haram carried out a broad day-light attack on Giwa Barracks, Maiduguri, on 14 March 2014. Although the Barrack was jammed packed with private vehicles only one military malfunctioned tank was in the army barrack. Youtube video showed how 12 Hilux pickup trucks transported 200 Boko Haram fighters in an area under Emergency rule. On April 14, 2014, over 200 girl-students were abducted at Chibok and transported over a distance of 60 kilometres to Sambisa forest. During GEJ's era, Boko Haram controlled not less than 27 local government councils in Nigeria where they raised their flag and declared their Caliphate. Since Buhari took over, no local government area in Nigeria is controlled by Boko Haram and their ability to confront the Nigerian armed forces has been eliminated. Thus, Buhari has done what GEJ could not do!!
Buhari does not need to tell Nigerians where and how he procured weapons to fight Boko Haram. That is a national secrete.
S.Kadiri
Date: Sat, 7 May 2016 19:24:00 +0100
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - why the army failed to defeat BH under jonathan
From: oluwakaidara1@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.comtoyinthanksIts at your fingertips in the virtual world.As it is, you dont need to leave your house to get this knowledge.How is the Prophet described as putting it, in spite of the inadequacy of that prophet and the closed minds that now characterizes much of the religion he founded- "Seek knowledge, even as far as China".The development of individuals as centres of knowledge and information analysis has also changed, so that well before Wole Soyinka emerged to speak up on the Fulani terrorist crisis and the enablement of the terrorists by Buhari's govt through Buhari's silences and rush to import food for the Fulani terrorists' cows, others had long done so and more frankly than Soyinka, meaning the Soyinkas and Reuben Abatis and others who were the earlier custodians of intellectual discourse in public space are increasingly becoming complementary to or even at times, peripheral to, rather than exclusive bearers of intellectual commentary, with Charles Ogbu, whose only public presence is his Facebook wall, assessing the issues of state complicity in Fulani terrorism and the govt's inadequacies more clearly than Soyinka, who labours under the burden of his yet inadequately explained support for Buhari, whose greatest critic he was for decades, Ogbu's analyses commanding mention by even Fani Kayode, a veteran of Nigerian politics, while Ezekwesili, former World Bank director, if I remember her position there accurately enough, ex- Nigerian minister in various portfolios, arrowhead of the anti-GEJ govt private sector coalition in the Bring Back Our Girls Movement, has had to respond to charges of hypocrisy on the muting of the movement after GEJ govt was removed from office, from Ena Ofugara, whose only platform is his Facebook page and his only distinction is his use of that page.The emergence of the Internet and social media has greatly decentralized information presentation and analysis, meaning that anyone who wants comprehensive information on any subject, particularly social affairs, needs to maximise such social media as Yahoo and Google groups, individual Facebook accounts and Facebook group accounts, along with Twitter and possibly other sources such as Instagram, along with traditional news media, which are only able to make some progress in closing the gap created by social media by enabling comments on their online pages facilitating dialogue between readers.Some of the best information on GEJ govt's weapons procurement also came from two mines of information on Nigeria, the Facebook posts of two pro GEJ writers, Kalu Aja, particularly on the group Spaces for Change, possibly one of the most effective means used in mobilizing Southern youth agst the GEJ govt until the founder Victoria Ibezim-Ohaeri decamped away from being anti-govt, possibly leading to the later change in the direction of the group, and the Facebook posts of Ena Ofugara on his own wall.The information is readily available from the Facebook page of the Defence Ministry, if I got the name right, as well as even the efforts of the GEJ critics who followed the army efforts closely and have army friends on their Facebook pages who commented on the war affort and the role of various kinds weapons in that effort. . I learnt significantly from the Facebook updates of one such person whose name I dont immediately recall, before and after the Chibok betrayal by Shettima.The weapons GEJ's govt bought were catalogued in pictures with soldiers' comments on the weapons and their battle effectiveness, as well as whatever criticism they may have had about those weapons.Why did Buhari himself declare that GEJ's govt simply stuffed money in suitcases and went weapons procuring, well after he and his APC team declared no weapons were bought?hmmmm......fishy....fishy...Buhar's army was quick to tell us that Boko Haram was 'technically' defeated, yet no wind of news on the weapons with which the army was equipped to achieve this feat which GEJ is described as not doing bcs GEJ and his cronies stole all de money?can he afford to buy weapons 'silently' like Lai Mohammed APC spokesman stated that the govt was dealing 'silently' with the recurrent massacres by the Nigerian ruler's fellow Fulani pastoralists?so why are we not being told what weapons he has bought with his alliance with the US and his permanent globe trottingBuhari is anxious to prove that he is doing what GEJ could not doOn Sat, May 7, 2016 at 4:21 PM, kenneth harrow <harrow@msu.edu> wrote:salimonu, what about those reports of govt procurement officials having traveled to s africa w cash to buy weapons since normal channels were being used to divert funds?
again, i take the comment that others have stated (i believe moses made this point), that we are talking about an entire institutional apparatus, not just a few bad eggs.
and i hope buhari is moving things forward, though a single president can't do everything, or anything, on his own
ken
On 5/7/16 8:51 AM, Salimonu Kadiri wrote:
We have got the ninth beatitude which says: Blessed are Professors of lies for they shall produce many dishonest fabrications. If Alex Badeh could tell Nigerians while retiring as Chief of Defence Staff on July 30, 2015, that the army he led lacked the equipment to fight Boko Haram terrorists and the NSA's Colonel Dasuki told the nation in August 2015, that the equipment ordered by Jonathan were yet to arrive Nigeria, the intelligent question to ask and answer is when were the weapons ordered between 2010 and 2015? If the weapons to fight Boko Haram, according to Dasuki, were yet to arrive Nigeria in August 2015, with what did he intend to dismantle Boko Haram in six weeks, as he promised in January, when he asked for the postponement of the Federal elections from February to March 2015?--
The notion that Boko Haram was not defeated under the GEJ govt due to theft of weapons money is fiction - Oluwatoyin Adepoju.
It is not a fiction that money meant for procurement of weapons totalling 15 billion US dollars were shared and traced to the Bank accounts of top military dogs under GEJ and highly placed PDP officials. What is fiction was to expect unarmed soldiers to fight armed insurgents.
S.Kadiri
Date: Sat, 7 May 2016 06:54:46 +0100
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - why the army failed to defeat BH under jonathan
From: oluwakaidara1@gmail.com
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
toyinthanksThe notion that Boko Haram was not defeated under the GEJ govt due to theft of weapons money is fiction.So, the military is still using essentially the weapons bought by the GEJ govt.Has the army bought any new hardware under Buhari?None they have told us about beyond some second hand vehicles in need of repair they got from the US.
On Fri, May 6, 2016 at 9:02 PM, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:
Ken, we Nigerians possess sophisticated academic papers which, so far, have not enabled us to solve any of the socio-economic problems confronting our country. J. M. and M.J. Cohen must have had Nigerian intellectuals in mind when they wrote in A Dictionary of Modern Quotation (New York: Penguin Books, 1971) thus, "It isn't that they can't see the solution. It is that they can't see the problem." I wonder if fifteen billion dollars ($15 billion) appropriated for procurement of military hardware were stolen, would "Nigerian Army Transformation Agenda" from October 2010 until 14 January 2014 have been useful in the war against Boko Haram? Who was in charge of the so-called Nigerian Army Transformation Agenda? In answering that question, it is noteworthy that on 8 September 2010, President Goodluck Jonathan removed the Chief of Army of Army Staff, Lt-General Abdulrahman Danbazzau and replaced him with Major-General Azubuike Onyeabo Ihejirika. However, when General Azubuike Onyeabo Ihejirika was removed on January 14, 2014, he had transformed himself into a billionaire not in naira but in dollars. On 12 April 2012, the 24 hours full time employed soldier, General Ihejirika, registered a company named Goodok Oil and Gas. Deceitfully and covertly, the three Directors of the company had Ihejirika as their first name thus, Ihejirika Okechukwu, Ihejirika Chika and Ihejirika Goodluck!! Ihejirika's company got 7 476.95 square meter of land in Abuja. So on the 22nd of September 2014, Nigerians got to know through Point Blank news online that the US wanted Ihejirika sudden billions probed.
While asking for the postponement of 28 February 2015, Presidential election for six weeks Sambo Dasuki said that the six weeks were more than enough to wipe out Boko Haram from the North East. But speaking on his retirement on 30 July 2015, the Chief of Defence Staff, Air Marshal Alex Sabundo Badeh said that the Armed Forces he led lacked the equipment to fight Boko Haram terrorists. The National Security Adviser, Colonel Sambo Dasuki, responded in August 2015 that the military equipment ordered by Jonathan Administration had not arrived in Nigeria. The sharing of fifteen billion dollars, meant for procurement of military hardwares to fight Boko Haram, among 17 military officials and their cronies is now an open secret. And without any complication, the stealing of $15 billion money for military weapons was responsible for the failure of the Nigerian army to defeat Boko Haram under Jonathan.S.Kadiri
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - why the army failed to defeat BH under jonathan
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
From: harrow@msu.edu
Date: Tue, 3 May 2016 11:38:50 -0400
thanks okey. it is often the case that situations are most complicated than what the simple headline catches. it was interesting, anyway, that one of those factors seems to have captured the attention of the BBC. but it was a quick paragraph, nothing more
ken
On 5/3/16 9:49 AM, Okey Iheduru wrote:
--Dear Ken:
It's so easy to fall for propaganda. Yes, the Nigerian military can't fight because the government and the army stole the money meant for procurement. However, it's much more complicated than that. For one much more nuanced perspective, please see the paper abstract below, and get the full gist by clicking on the URL provided for the rest of the paper.
Peace as always!
Okey+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++Okey C. Iheduru, "Social Transformation and Military Leadership: The Nigerian Army and Fourth Generation Wars" in Ebenezer Obadare and Wale Adebanwi, eds., Governance and the Crisis of Rule in Contemporary Africa: Leadership in Transformation (New York: Palgrave/Macmillan, 2015), pp. 235-264.
Abstract:
Whereas the role of the military in African politics continues to receive wide attention, the internal leadership process of the armed forces has practically become an analytic black hole. This paper seeks to fill this lacuna by using the Nigerian Army (NA) as a case study of "context specific leadership events" as a framework to understand the conditions under which leadership is produced, and how those conditions shape their leadership paths. The most important context-specific event in the Fourth Republic (1999-present) has been the series of efforts to "transform," re-professionalize, and "re-invent the military as a political actor" for democratic stability after 29 years of military dictatorship. These efforts culminated in the adoption and implementation of a "Nigerian Army Transformation Agenda" from October 2010 until 14 January 2014 that sought "To transform the Nigerian Army into a force better able to meet contemporary challenges." The "transformation" agenda, however, coincided with and was truncated by the emergence of the Boko Haram Islamist terrorist insurgency whose battlefield successes have cast serious doubt on the organizational effectiveness and combat readiness of Nigeria's armed forces in a changed asymmetric war environment or "Fourth Generation wars." Extant studies of civil-military relations and security sector reforms assume that civilian leaders will prioritize control over the military or even actively participate in, or structure, the military's concept of transformation. In Nigeria, those attempts were largely cosmetic and lacked civilian control and guidance to the military to truly eradicate old habits of human rights abuses, corruption, nepotism, deterioration of professionalism, and the privileging of organizational and individual material interests. In this vacuum, the NA designed and implemented a narrowly defined "Nigerian army transformation agenda" (NATA) from 2010 until 14 January 2014. Although it led to laudable changes within the NA, the "transformation" merely addressed the symptoms rather than the real problems and sources of institutional decay, and thus failed to prepare the NA to respond to the biggest security threat Nigeria has faced since the end of the civil war in 1970. The resultant inability to defeat the insurgency by a once revered army exemplifies the limits of contemporary leadership in Africa's conventional armed forces. Several factors — the cascading effects of failed or incomplete transformation; the impediments created by entrenched military organizational interests; the politicization of the military and insertion of its leadership into the crossfire of Nigeria's ever-widening fault lines in the run-up to the 2015 presidential elections; the ambivalence of African rulers and their foreign partners about enhancing the capacity of African armies; inter-service rivalry and institutionalized corruption; and the increasing realization that Fourth Generation wars are becoming un-winnable — all help explain the paradox of a transformative leadership and the failure or ineffectiveness of institutional response to threats to stability and national security.
Read the rest of the paper at: SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2592798
On Tue, May 3, 2016 at 4:54 AM, kenneth harrow <harrow@msu.edu> wrote:
the govt stole the money for army procurements
http://www.bbc.com/news/live/world-africa-36155883
--
kenneth w. harrow
professor of english
michigan state university
department of english
619 red cedar road
room C-614 wells hall
east lansing, mi 48824
ph. 517 803 8839
harrow@msu.edu
--
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Listserv moderated by Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin
To post to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue@googlegroups.com
To subscribe to this group, send an email to USAAfricaDialogue+subscribe@googlegroups.com
Current archives at http://groups.google.com/group/USAAfricaDialogue
Early archives at http://www.utexas.edu/conferences/africa/ads/index.html
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