Dear Farooq Kperogi and Toyin Adepoju,
I share with you both the mainstream opinion about Buhari's foreign policy success story. You both presented this earlier here in a negative light.
I hope you are now willing to eat the humble pie, and admit that you were both wrong and misguided in this regard.
Cheers.
IBK
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From: 'femi ojo' via Naijanet <naijanet@googlegroups.com>
Date: 26 January 2017 at 16:49
Subject: [Naijanet] KUDOS TO PMB ON THE GAMBIAN PROBLEM
To: Naijanet Google <naijanet@googlegroups.com>
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From: 'femi ojo' via Naijanet <naijanet@googlegroups.com>
Date: 26 January 2017 at 16:49
Subject: [Naijanet] KUDOS TO PMB ON THE GAMBIAN PROBLEM
To: Naijanet Google <naijanet@googlegroups.com>
THE NATION
Kudos to PMB on the Gambian problem
When our late Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who doubled as our foreign minister for a while said in October 1960 at the United Nations General Assembly plenary session that our country will protect the interest of the black man wherever he may be, people felt that this was an unrealistic ambition. Sir Abubakar, as we all know, was not given to making statements without having ruminated seriously upon it. He came to this conclusion because of the pain most African leaders felt about the humiliation of the black man in the hands of largely racist colonial governments in Africa at that time. This was also the onset of the Civil Rights movement in the USA when dogs were unleashed on blacks justly demanding to be treated as human beings. The most galling of these indignities was in Southern Africa stretching from the then Belgian Congo to the Afrikaner controlled Republic of South Africa where blacks were herded into the so-called Bantustans created to emphasize the division of black South Africans along tribal lines in an attempt to weaken the wind of change which the British Prime Minister had said was blowing through the whole of Africa which the colonial regimes must take note of so that they are not caught unprepared when the wind would become an hurricane.
It was in the light of this political ferment that Sir Abubakar committed Nigeria to supporting all black men struggling justly to be free. This speech from a conservative leader of the most populous Black Country whose friendship was highly valued in the Cold War years of the struggle for world supremacy between communism and capitalism must have shocked policy makers in the West. From that time onwards till today, the foreign policy of Nigeria has not deviated from protecting the interests of the black man. Nigeria may be careful about meddling in the affairs of the historic black diaspora in north and South America and their struggle for equality. This is because our leverage on the powerful countries of the United States and Brazil is rather inconsequential. But in the Caribbean islands, Nigeria has played significant roles there particularly in its high profile diplomatic and cultural presence in such countries as Cuba, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago. The point I am making is that Nigeria has been consistent in batting for the black man as much as its economy will permit. Nigeria bore almost 35 percent of the budget of the liberation committee of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) resident in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. This was apart from direct financial and military assistance to national liberation movements of various countries from those of Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. One of the first international roles of independent Nigeria was participating in UN peace-keeping in the Congo in 1961. We must not forget the burden which Nigeria happily bore in the cause of African liberation and which it continues to bear in its disproportionate budgetary support for the African Union even today.
In recent years, there have been attempts to refocus Nigeria's foreign policy away from political consideration to economic issues now that the continent is largely free from overt political domination. But one thing that has remained is our country's role in the lives of black people particularly in West Africa and the continent as a whole.
Defence of democratic regimes is now part of Nigeria's foreign policy goals. Even during military regimes, Nigeria continued with this policy while critics said Nigeria was defending a system of government denied to its people. This embarrassing situation must have hastened the reluctant exit of the military from the seat of power in 1999.
When "civilian" government headed by Obasanjo came to power in 1999, it was natural for it to continue to embrace the new doctrine of supporting democratic regimes in addition to defending the interests of the Blackman worldwide. This informed President Olusegun Obasanjo's intervention in Togo, São Tomé and Principe, Guinea–Bissau, Liberia and to a certain extent in Côte d'Ivoire, Niger and Sierra Leone just to ensure through preventive diplomacy, that the region did not dissolve into avoidable fratricidal conflict as before. What informed Nigeria's policy was trying to put out the fire in the house of your neighbours before being consumed in the conflagration when the fire spread to one's house. In other words, the policy is not simply based on altruism but enlightened self-interest. This preventive diplomacy will continue to operate no matter who is in power in Nigeria. Of course this assumption is based on peace in Nigeria as well as a strong economy to back its foreign policy. The populace would also need to be carried along so that nobody grumbles about domestic problems being left unattended to while the country is busy pacifying other countries that may be distressed in the region.
When the situation in The Gambia with a population of about one and a half million people and combined armed and police force of about 2400 deteriorated following the refusal of its sit-tight President Yahya Jammeh to vacate his position, Nigeria had to step in. President Yahya Jammeh has ruled the small country sandwiched within Senegal for 22 years after overthrowing its president, Sir Dauda Jawara in a coup d'état. A presidential election supervised by his government was lost and a new man Adama Barrow won the election. Yahyah jammeh admitted defeat for some days and later began to find excuses to remain in power. The ECOWAS leaders met in Abuja and issued an ultimatum to Jammeh to step down. Two countries were critical to this decision. These were Nigeria and Senegal. Once Buhari showed leadership in spite of the problems at home, Senegal showed resolve and the others followed. To ensure global support, Nigeria led others to secure UN Security Council support. President Buhari after three trips to negotiate with the recalcitrant Jammeh sent first a naval frigate to cruise around the coast of the country as a precursor of proposed combined military operations involving also the army and the Air Force; then he sent a detachment of Nigeria Air Force. A Hercules C130 moved about 800 troops to Senegal while Nigerian planes put pressure on the recalcitrant Jammeh by buzzing the capital of Banjul to show resolve and determination. What followed was expected.
The Chief of Staff of the Gambian army, General Ousman Badjie issued a statement that his troops will not fight his West African brothers and subsequently pledged his loyalty to the new President Adama Barrow who had earlier on been sworn in in the Gambian embassy in Dakar, Senegal. By this time, the troops ready to strike had been bolstered by a token company of Malian troops. The fate of Jammeh was in the balance. He was offered asylum in Nigeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Guinea. He apparently chose finally to go to Equatorial Guinea where he shares sit-tight political consanguinity with the Equatorial Guinean President Tewedoro Macias Nguema who has been in power in the oil-rich country for decades. Buhari must ensure Jammeh signs a guarantee of non-interference in the affairs of The Gambia and Senegalese and Nigerian troops should remain in the country to ensure peace and security while removing from command positions all Jammeh's appointees.
Buhari has resoundingly won his first foreign policy challenge and he deserves our congratulations. I was disappointed that some members of our Senate did not rise to the occasion. The criticism of Buhari by senators Ike Ekweremadu and Chukwuka Utazi for sending troops to The Gambia without Senate approval is totally unpatriotic and uncalled for. The intent of the constitution they quoted is not to tie the hands of the president in foreign policy emergencies but to ensure that Nigeria does not declare wars without Senate approval. No war broke out in this case and the AMERICAN example which some of these people always quote permits the president to seek approval post troops' deployment in case of crisis necessitating quick action. It is not in the interest of Nigeria to belittle the effort of the President and to deride him when celebrations are called for.
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