Wednesday, March 15, 2017


Godwin Okeke, when people talk about marginalization in Nigeria, they mean exclusion from important  positions in the Federal Government. Provide us with the list of all Nigerians that draw their salaries from the Federal Government of Nigeria, since you sound like knowing it, so that we can compare Igbo's share with other ethnic groups.

S. Kadiri

Från: 'Godwin Okeke' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <>
Skickat: den 13 mars 2017 09:20
Some of you discuss these issues as if by occupying appointive positions, full integration has ben achieved. Let us do a check. How many Igbo draw their monthly salary from the Central government of Nigeria?
On Sun, 3/12/17, Salimonu Kadiri <> wrote:

 To: "" <>
 Date: Sunday, March 12, 2017, 7:14 PM
 Dear Okechukwu Ukaga,
 The subject under discussion is not whether General
 Yakubu Gowon declared no victor, no vanquished after the end
 of the civil war or not, but if the declaration had had
 desired effect or results. Kayode J. Fakinlede in his post
 of 3rd March 2017 had titled
  his topic : The History Of The Nigerian Civil War Should
 Be Taught In Our Schools. He motivated his request thus
 : No Victor, No Vanquished. This pronouncement, to
 me, is the greatest blunder of our civil war. I can almost
 say that it is at the bottom
  of the continued aspiration by a segment of our society for
 secession. Of course, one could not have blamed the
 government of young General Gowon. It was reasoned then that
 in declaring that neither side won or lost the war, everyone
 would have learned his
  lesson and our nation would be at peace forever
 What we see now is a blatant misplacement of
 historical facts and grotesque caricatures being made of
 those whose intentions were noble. But more importantly, we
 are seeing agitations where none should have arisen and from
 the side that was vanquished
  in the war. The factual victors, having remained silent for
 so long are now being painted as carnivores and murderers
 On reading the above, Mr. Obi Nwakanma flared up in his
 response and claimed that the declaration of no victor, no
 vanquished by the Federal government was not an act of
 charity but as a result of behind the scene diplomatic
 negotiations at which the federal
  government was exposed to a gigantic and
 informed-able guerrilla army of Biafra. The fear of
 Biafra's guerrilla fighters of Mao Tse-Sung calibre
 forced the Federal government to enter no victor, no
 vanquished with Biafra that never surrendered to the federal
  army. He proceeded further to claim that after the Biafrans
 had accepted the negotiated settlement and disbanded their
 guerrilla fighters, the federal side reneged on the
 agreement and has since the end of the war marginalized the
 Igbo, mark you not Biafrans, and
  treated them as second class citizens of Nigeria. It is for
 this reason that younger generations of Igbo, not Biafrans,
 now want to return to the trenches to liberate them from the
 clutches of their Nigerian oppressors.
 Kayode J. Fakinlede actually gave voice to what many of
 us from Western Nigeria think about the blame game that
 some of our brothers from South Eastern Nigeria have been
 peddling against the Yoruba ethnic group despite the fact
 that many of them risked their
  lives in defending and protecting their Igbo brothers and
 sisters during the terrible days of July 29 and August
 1966. Although, there were some high ranking Yoruba officers
 in the army at the time of the second coup, the number of
 Yoruba infantry men were
  negligible. The gun carriers were mainly from the Middle
 Belt and mostly from TIV land. The scenes of military
 operations on July 29, 1966, were Lagos, Abeokuta and
 Beginning at Ibadan, Middle-belters constituted 95% of
 the 4th Battalion infantry situated there. Their
 Commander, Lt. Colonel Arbogo Largema, was killed in the
 January 15, 1966 coup. After the coup, Ironsi appointed
 Major Macaulay Nzefilli  to take the
  Command of the 4th Battalion, but the infantry men refused
 to take order from him. They asked him about the
 where-about of Largema and why he, Nzefili an Igbo, was
 there to take over. The military officers that were killed
 in the first coup were never made
  public by Ironsi. In order to calm the nerves of the
 aggrieved soldiers in Ibadan, Ironsi posted a Middle-belter,
 Major Joe Akahan to take over the command of the 4th
 Battalion from Nzefili. It was from the 4th Battalion,
 Ibadan that the then Captain Theophilus
  Yakubu Danjuma recruited sub-Lieutenant Jeremiah Useni and
 others to arrest Ironsi and Adekunle Fajuyi at the
 government state house, Ibadan, on July 29, 1966.  While
 the government lodge at Ibadan was surrounded, Ironsi sent
 Lieutenant Colonel Hillary Njoku,
  who accompanied him to Ibadan, to return to Ikeja 2nd
 Infantry Battalion and resume control of the Command. On his
 way out, Njoku was shot but he escaped wounded. Yoruba
 people of Ibadan took care of him until he was well enough
 for them to smuggle him out
  of Ibadan and guide him safely to the East. The 4th
 Battalion did not limit their actions to the Barracks, they
 went on rampage in the city of Ibadan hunting for persons of
 Igbo ethnic group to be killed. With bare hands, Ibadan
 people rose to defend and protect
  their Igbo brethren against marauding Middle-belt soldiers.
 Amadu Kurfi, the Deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry
 of Defence at that time, confirmed in a book written by him
 that the then Military Governor of Western State, Francis
 Adekunle Fajuyi, had
  insisted that if they took his guest and GOC, they should
 take him too. Thus, Fajuyi voluntarily followed his General
 Officer Commanding the Nigerian Armed Forces, Johnson
 Thompson Umunnakwe Aguiyi Ironsi, to death. Some Igbo
 revisionist has belittled Fajuyi's
  heroic stand which they termed suicide wish. At Abeokuta
 Garrison all available Igbo soldiers, especially officers,
 were killed and as usual the overzealous Middle-belt
 soldiers invaded civil communities to hunt down the Igbo
 but the Egba people heroically
  defended and protected their Igbo brethren
 In Lagos, the 2nd Infantry Battalion contained over 90%
 Middle-belter. After Ironsi had been adopted in Ibadan, the
 next high ranking officer in the Army hierarchy was
 Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe and when he tried to take
 control over the Army in Lagos,
  a Middle Belt Sergeant told him that he would only take
 instruction from his Captain. Brigadier Ogundipe was shoved
 aside and so was Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, which paved
 the way for Yakubu Gowon, a Middle-belter, to take over the
 reign of office as GOC of
  the Nigerian Army and Head of State. In Lagos and its
 suburbs, the Middle-belt soldiers rampaged outside the
 Barracks as they hunted for Igbo to kill. Many Yoruba lost
 their lives while protecting and defending their Igbo
 brethren's rights to life. Those of
  us who resisted gun-touting Middle-belt soldiers
 who invaded our homes in Lagos in search of Igbo to
 kill knew what pain we went through. At Enugu, Lieutenant
 Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, ran away to hide at the
 Police headquarters in Onitsha. The
  respected Lieutenant Colonel David Ogunewe, the Commander
 of the 1st Battalion, prostrated before his Northern
 dominated Battalion and begged them not to fight. And when
 it was finally agreed that soldiers should be repatriated
 to their region of origin, the
  Northern soldiers in the Enugu 1st Battalion insisted on
 leaving with their arms and weapons. Ojukwu did not return
 to Enugu until the middle of August 1966 after the
 Northern soldiers had left. The pogrom in the Northern
 Region against the Igbo in what the
  Northerners called revenge for the Northerners killed in
 the first coup began in May 1966, after Ironsi had
 promulgated Decree No. 34 which abolished federal system and
 replaced it with unitary government. Although, Yakubu Gowon
 took over in Lagos, he had
  no control over the troops in the North. At the same time,
 Ojukwu undermined Gowon's position by not accepting his
 leadership of the Army because as he put it, he was not the
 most senior officer after Ironsi. Regrettably, Igbo were
 massacred in thousands in
  the North between May 28, 1966 and 1st October 1966.
 In the West and Lagos everything possible was done by the
 Yoruba to defend and protect their igbo brethren, especially
 civilian Igbo in their midst. Sadly, after the war, some
 Igbo began to churn out false stories about how Yoruba
 killed Igbo in their midst
  as from July 29, 1966. In spite of the fact that Chinua
 Achebe was helped by the Yoruba to escape arrest by the coup
 makers of 29 July 1966, he manufactured an anti Yoruba
 faction of his escape from Lagos.
 A week before January 15, 1966 coup, Chinua Achebe had
 published a small book titled,
 A Man of the People. It
 was a fictional book on a hypothetical African country that
 was rottenly corrupt to the extent that, as Achebe
 concluded in the book,
 our young army officers overthrew the
 government. It was on account of this book and its
 conclusion, which coincided with the 15 January 1966 coup,
 that made the coup makers of 29 July 1966 to suspect that
 Achebe had foreknowledge of the January
  coup and as such they wanted to arrest him for questioning.
 Had Achebe fallen into the hands of the soldiers at that
 time, it would have meant only one thing, death. The Yoruba
 in Lagos protected Achebe and his family. His wife
 and children were smuggled out
  of Lagos by boat while he was being shifted from one place
 of abode to the other around Lagos, with the hope that
 tension in the country would subside and normal life would
 emerge. When it was clear that the crisis was not going to
 end soon, Chinua Achebe
  decided to return to the East and the Yoruba drove him in a
 zigzag route, from Lagos to avoid detection by his military
 traducers, to Benin. But in his book, There Was A Country,
 Achebe painted a very different picture of how he left
 Lagos. Hear him,
 "As many of us packed our belongings to return
 to the east some of the people we had lived with for years,
 some for decades jeered and said,'Let them (Igbo) go;
 food will be cheaper in Lagos.' ...//... There were more
 and more reports of massacres,
  and not only in the North, but also in the West and
 Lagos. People were hounded out of their homes, as we were in
 Lagos, and returned to the East (p.68)" He
 continued,"In any case, I set out on my own, wondering
 what would come up at any point. The highway
  was full of police roadblocks along the way. I was
 stopped once or twice and had to show my papers - what
 Nigerians call my 'particulars.' I was one of
 the last to flee Lagos. ...//... When I finally got to
 Benin City, which is located roughly halfway
  from Lagos to Igbo land in the Mid-West Region there was
 distinct atmospheric change. ...//... Crowds of policemen
 recognized me when I got to Benin City and cheered, saying,
 'Oga, thank you,' and let me through to continue my
 journey without incident to Onitsha
  Bridge, and over the Niger River to the East (p.
 70-71)." Achebe who was being searched for by
 the Army and the security police claimed that he was at a
 motor pack in Lagos to witness how people jeered at fleeing
 Igbo without being arrested. Thereafter,
  he decided to flee Lagos by sitting in his personal car,
 to drive from Lagos en-route East. On his way, he was
 stopped once or twice to show his driving license, vehicle
 ownership and road worthiness documents to non-Igbo
 policemen at the roadblocks. He, a
  wanted Igbo man was not arrested, harmed or killed in  a
 Yoruba territory where he claimed Igbo were being massacred
 by the Yoruba. At Benin City, the Policemen cheered him and
 said, "Oga thank you" and let
 him through to continue his journey
  to the East. It was plain that the Benin police did
 not direct their Oga thank you
 to Chinua Achebe, but to the Yoruba personality
 that escorted him to Benin after the Yoruba man had
 transmitted some pounds through a hand shake with bribe to
 them. A Nigerian policeman don't usually say Oga, thank
 you, if you don't give them something.
  Chinua Achebe took glory and honour out of the Yoruba
 who, out of being humane, took risk to whisk him and his
 family into safety during the terrible events that led to
 the Nigerian civil war. 
 The traditional belief in Nigeria is that any official
 or public servant, whether elected, selected, appointed or
 employed is deemed to be representing and acting on behalf
 of his ethnic group. Although Awolowo was a Yoruba by tribe,
 his political, social
  and economic ideology was national. That was why he refused
 to serve in a national government led by a feudalist after
 December 1959 Federal elections. He was not only leader of
 the opposition in the Federal Parliament but his party, the
 Action Group produced
  the opposition party in the Northern and Eastern
 Regions' House of Assembly. By 1962, Nnamdi Azikiwe and
 Abubakar Tafawa Balewa's led Federal Coalition
 government, overthrew the Action Group Government of Western
 Region and jailed Awolowo. After the coup of
  July 29, 1966, General Gowon pardoned and released Awolowo
 from prison through Government Notice No. 1507/1966. Awolowo
 came out of  prison to meet a destroyed people  and
 a chaotic Nigeria on the cliff to precipice. In his speech
 to the Western Leaders of
  Thought at Ibadan, 1st May 1967, Awlowo said among other
 things, "The Eastern Region must be encouraged
 to remain part of the Federation. If the
 Eastern Region is allowed by acts of omission or
 commission to secede from or opt out of Nigeria, then the
 Western Region and Lagos must also stay out of the
 Federation. ...//... We have neither military might nor
 the overwhelming advantage of numbers
  here in Western Nigeria and Lagos," he
 admitted. Awolowo's statement was obviously
 directed to the Federal Military Government led by Yakubu
 Gowon but some mischief makers among our Igbo brethren had
 touted Awolowo's speech as an agreement with Ojukwu
  that both East and West were to secede simultaneously, on
 which Awolowo later reneged. Since Awolowo is Yoruba,
 some Igbo historian blamed all the Yoruba for betrayal of
 what they thought Awolowo agreed with them to secede on
 behalf of the Yoruba people but
  did not fulfil. In fact, on 3rd May 1967, the Military
 Governor of Western Region, Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, in a
 broadcast to the people said that his Western Region was not
 in collusion with the East to secede.
 On May 5, 1967, Obafemi Awolowo led a delegation of what
 was called National Reconciliation and Peace Commission to
 Enugu to convince Ojukwu to give peace a chance. Ojukwu
 was said to have told Awolowo that their mission was a
 still-born. Achebe put it succinctly
  in his book, There Was a Country, thus, "many
 Igbo leaders referred to the visit disdainfully as the
 'chop, chop, talk, talk commission (p. 88)."
 If there was an agreement between Awolowo and
 Ojukwu for a simultaneous secession of the West and East 
 at that meeting Ojukwu would have released it before his
 death. And how could Awolowo have entered such agreement
 when he was not the Military Governor
  of Western Region and he possessed no army of his own?
 Obafemi Awolowo has been accused, by some Igbo falsifier
 of history, of advocating and employing starvation  as a
 weapon of war against (Biafra) the Igbo. A version of that
 accusation was presented by Achebe thus,
 "A statement credited to Chief Obafemi
 Awolowo and echoed by his cohorts is the most callous
 and unfortunate: All is fair in war, and starvation is one
 of the weapons of war. I don't see why we should feed
 our enemies fat in order for them to
  fight harder (p. 233)." This statement was
 culled from Awolowo's interview in the Financial Times
 of 26 June 1969. It was not a policy statement but his
 reaction to the information that Biafran soldiers were
 hijacking food supplies sent to civilians
  in Biafra. Even if he were to say so, in which war has it
 ever happened that a beleaguered troop has been supplied
 food by the beleaguer-ant. Obviously, Awolowo was not
 saying civilians should be starved but soldiers. A year
 before that statement, Achebe recorded
  on page 211 of There Was a Country
 thus, "The diplomatic battles had reached a
 fever pitch by the middle of 1968. Gowon, under immense
 international pressure .... decided to open up land routes
 for a 'supervised transport' of relief. To the
  of Gowon, Ojukwu opted out of land routes in favour of
 increased airlifts of food from São Tomé by international
 relief agencies." Geneva convention permits
 relief supplies to civilians in a war affected areas but
 signatories to Geneva Conventions
  are allowed to supervise the transport of such relief
 assistance to its destination. Nigeria was a signatory to
 the Geneva Conventions but Biafra was not. Thus, any airlift
 of relief supply by international agencies to Biafra must
 first land in Nigeria for
  inspection before flying further to Biafra. So, it was
 not Awolowo's statement in June 1969 that starved
 millions of Biafrans to death, but Ojukwu's rejection of
 food supply by land routes in June 1968 as testified to by
 Chinua Achebe. Had there not been no
  victor, no vanquish declaration after the war, Ojukwu would
 have been tried for war crimes. Amusingly, Obi
 Nwakanma's beloved authority on Nigerian forces
 inability to hold captured towns in Biafra, Colonel Robert
 Scott, wrote in the London Sunday Telegraph
  of 11 January 1970 thus, "It is perhaps ironic
 that this is the first time in the history of warfare that
 one beleaguer-ant has permitted outside agencies to succour
 its opponent." Biafrans in 1968 were
 effectively and actually beleaguered
  by the Nigerian Army.
 Despite Ojukwu's rejection of offer of  foods to
 civilians in Biafra enclave by land routes, Gowon turned
 blind eyes to the illegal night flights into the Biafran
 enclave. At the same time the ground forces of, the 2nd
 infantry division led by Col. Murtala
  Mohammed and the 3rd Marine Commando led by Col. Benjamin
 Adekunle were prevented from marching into the Biafran
 enclave as strict orders were issued to them not to
 shoot at illegal planes flying into Biafra. But towards
 the end of May 1969, Von Rosen bombed
  Port Harcourt, Benin, Enugu and Ughelli Electric power
 station in Nigeria, with his MINICOIN planes. Von
 Rosen's bombing of Nigeria's positions woke Lagos up
 to action. By the 5th of June 1969,  a DC-7 plane marked
 Swedish Red Cross was heading towards Uli-Ihiala
  air strip in Biafra before the midnight. Captain Gbadamosi
 King of the Nigerian Air Force piloting his MIG 17 ordered
 the DC-7 plane, marked Swedish Red Cross to land either in
 Port Harcourt or Calabar for inspection but the Red Cross
 marked plane ignored
  Captain King's order. Captain King repeated his order
 several times but the Red Cross marked plane flew
 unperturbed. Thus, Captain Gbadamosi King fired at the Red
 Cross plane and brought it down near Eket. The  plane
 exploded and the wreckage was spread over
  a large area. The plane was exposed for not ferrying
 relief supplies but weapons. Consequently, on 14 June 1969,
 the Director of International Committee of Red Cross in
 Lagos, Dr. August Lindt, was declared persona non grata by
 the Federal Government, after
  admitting that the shot down plane carrying weapons
 belonged to the ICRC.
 Telling a lie with cosmetic beauty, Obi Nwakanma said
 that the renewed demand by some Igbo youths is as a result
 of marginalization of the Igbo in the governing of
 Nigeria. In the first civilian regime after the military
 coup of 1966, Alex Ekwueme, an Igbo,
  became the Vice President in the NPN controlled Federal
 government. At the same time, Edwin Ume-Ezeoke was speaker
 of the House of Reps. When the military government of
 General Babangida surfaced in 1985, most of his civilian
 administrators and supporters
  were Igbo. His commissioner of Finance was Dr. Idika Kalu
 Idika. When Babangida scuttled the Presidential Election of
 June 1993, his backbone was Arthur Eze who obtained
 mid-night court injunctions against the election performed
 by the then Federal Electoral
  Commission headed by an Igbo, Professor Humphrey Nwosu.
 General Babangida was married to an Igbo woman, born Mary
 Ndidi Okogwu, who adopted the Muslim name Maryam after
 marriage with Babangida. The Ohanaeze Ndigbo honoured
 Babangida with the traditional title,
  Ogugua Ndigbo, in appreciation of what Babangida's
 regime did for the Igbo. In the sixteen years of PDP
 government (29 May 1999 to 29 May 2015) the only
 position an Igbo ethnic person never held is the
 Presidency. The Igbo has had five Senate Presidents, Deputy
  Senate President, Deputy Speaker, Minister of
 Defence, Chief of Army Staff, Director General of
 Immigration, Director General of Prison, Director General of
 Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation, Central Bank Governor and
 Deputy Governor, Secretary to the Government
  of the Federation (SGF), Ministers in key Ministries such
 as Power, Education, Petroleum, Health, Labour and
 Productivity, Aviation and Finance.  Up to May 29, 2015,
 the Minister of Finance was Igbo and all other Agencies
 related to the Ministry of Finance
  such as Director General- Budget Office, DG of PENCOM, DG
 of RFMAC, DG of SEC, CEO of NSE, DG of AMCON, Chairman of
 Sovereign Wealth Fund and Governor of Central Bank were
 headed by Igbo. In spite of the afore-listed key positions
 that were held, and in some
  cases are still being held, by persons of ethnic Igbo in
 Nigeria, perverted ethnic mandarins are still
 claiming that  Igbo people are marginalized in Nigeria.
 It is very sad to observe that Obi Nwakanma has chosen to
 have no respect and value for history simply
  because the facts of history are opposed to his wishes. He
 has been engaged in the destruction evidential facts of
 history by twisting facts and propounding unfounded lies and
 fallacies about the Nigerian civil war. Victims of past
 tragedies should be less
  gung-ho about future ones. The Biafran Major-General,
 Philip Effiong, who signed the surrender document that
 ended the civil war remarked thus, "Until the
 end of the war on 12 January 1970, the Biafran soldier
 fought an impossible war under conditions
  that were totally inhuman and uncalled for. It was
 the result of one man turning what was the people's will
 to fight a war of survival into a desperate and reckless
 attempt to achieve a personal ambition - even if it meant
 destroying the very people
  he purportedly was fighting to preserve (p. 237, Nigeria
 & Biafra: My Story by Philip
 Effiong)." At this stage of our development,
 I don't think the ethnic origin of any Nigerian office
 holder should be of concern to any normal and intelligent
  but the capability of the official to produce what the
 office is designed for. I stand to be corrected by you if I
 am wrong.
 S. Kadiri       
 <> för Okechukwu
 Ukaga <>
 Skickat: den 9 mars 2017 21:14
 Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: THE
 The most important
 fact is that the best authority on this matter, General
 Gowon himself concluded and declared that there is no victor
 and no vanquished. I don't see that any of the
 contributors to thread or others they are referencing
  are in a better position (than Gowon) to accurately assess
 and describe what happened. So enough of the spinning and
 On Mar 9, 2017 6:20
 AM, "Rex Marinus" <>
 I post here a recording of Philip Effiong's
 statement in Dodan barracks, circa 1970. Pay particular
 attention that even both Col. Obasanjo and General Gowon bit
 their tongues - paused - to avoid the use of the word
 "surrender." It was "acceptance" and it
  was official. Philip Effiong himself fully reported as a
 General, and the Officer administering, "the
 government of the republic of Biafra."  And just out
 of curiosity, would somebody point out the difference? I do
 not know that there is any significant semantic
  or material difference  between " after
 removing the factors that has made reconciliation
 impossible" -
 my paraphrase of Philip Effiong's statement, and
 Salimonu Kadiri's full quote of Effiong's 
 "I am also convinced that the people are now
 disillusioned and those elements of the old
 government regime who have made negotiations and
 reconciliation impossible have voluntarily removed
 themselves from our midst ."
 It is typical of Kadiri to sweat small and irrelevant
 stuff, just simply to maintain a hard-headed recrudescence
 that offers nary a fresh insight.
 Obi Nwakanma
 Gowon and Colonel Obasanjo Accept Biafra's Surrender
  - January 1970
Enjoy the videos and music you love, upload original content, and share it all with friends, family, and the world on YouTube.

 This is the official surrender ceremony that ended the
 Nigeria-Biafra civil war. At Dodan Barracks the Nigerian
 head of State Major-General Yakubu Gowon shoo...
 .com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroup> on behalf of Salimonu Kadiri <>
 Sent: Wednesday, March 8, 2017 10:29 PM
 To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups
 Subject: SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: THE
 Doctor Obi Nwakanma has doctored the history of the
 Nigerian civil war and has injected it with 419 virus with
 which he hopes to infect unsuspecting and gullible
 Nigerians. I identify his 419 history virus of the
 Nigerian civil war from his post below as
  follows : If you listen, for instance, to Philip
 Effiong's statement at Dodan barracks in 1970, there was
 not a single use of the word "surrender" in his
 speech. He said, "we are returning to Nigeria, after
 removing the factors that has made reconciliation
  impossible. We accept the current authority and structure
 of the federal government, and on the promise that we shall
 all be part of the move towards the transition to
 constitutional rule and a new constitution." Not a
 single word about surrender. Words
  to that effect. And he addressed himself in his full rank
 as Major-General - so was it asserted in writing by Dr. Obi
 Obi Nwakanma wrote as if to say he was present at
 Dodan barrack, on the 15th of January 1970, when Philip
 Effiong made the statement he, Obi, is attributing to him.
 Obi Nwakanma's pretence to being an eye witness at
 Dodan barracks when Philip Effiong declared
  (which Obi called a statement) the death of Biafra, is a
 419 ploy aimed at gaining plausibility for
 his fraudulent history.
 With inverted komas begin and closed, Obi
 Nwakanma gave false impression that he was quoting Philip
 Effiong verbatim. Thus, he credited Effiong with having
 said, "we are returning to Nigeria,
 after removing the factors that has made reconciliation
 impossible." Philip Effiong never made such a
 statement at Dodan barracks on the 15th of January 1970. Obi
 Nwakanma has doctored and distorted part of Philip
 Effiong's broadcast on Radio Biafra
  at 16:40:00 hours, on January 12, 1970, to the Biafrans.
 In paragraph 3 of the printed version of that broadcast,
 Effiong said, "I am also convinced that the people are
 now disillusioned
 and those elements of the old government regime who have
 made negotiations and reconciliation impossible have
 voluntarily removed themselves from our midst (p.
 294-295, Nigeria & Biafra: My Story, by Philip Effiong).
 Philip Effiong has never at anytime
  between, January 11 and 15, 1970, said that 'we are
 returning to Nigeria after removing factors that has made
 reconciliation impossible' as asserted in writing by Dr.
 Obi Nwakanma. That, to me, is a historical fraud of the
 highest order.
 Immediately after Philip Effiong's broadcast
 of 12 January 1970, Nigeria's Commander of the third
 marine division, Lt. Colonel Olusegun Obasanjo, issued
 operation order to all his Brigade Commanders thus,
 "Philip Effiong today issued what amounts
  to unconditional surrender. Tactical movement will
 continue until every inch of 'Biafra' is physically
 occupied and all rebel soldiers disarmed. Troops will
 not open fire unless they are fired at. No change from ops
 order on treatment of POW and refugees
  (p.123, My Command by Olusegun
 Contrary to Dr. Obi Nwakanma's 419 history,
 the following was read and signed by Philip Effiong at Dodan
 barracks on 15 January 1970. I, Major General Philip
 Effiong, Officer Administering the Government of the
 Republic of Biafra, now wish to make
  the following declaration: (a) that we affirm we are loyal
 Nigerian citizens and accept the authority of the Federal
 Military Government of Nigeria. (b) that we accept the
 existing administrative and political structure of the
 Federation of Nigeria. (c) that
  any future constitutional arrangement will be worked out by
 representatives of the people of Nigeria. (d) that
 the Republic of Biafra hereby ceases to exist.
 I signed and dated the document "15th January
 1970" Philip Effiong wrote on page 306 of his book,
 Nigeria and Biafra: My Story.
 Dr. Obi Nwakanma is arguing that the word
 'surrender' was not used by Philip Effiong in his
 declarations, which Obi called statement. However, Philip
 Effiong knew what he was at Dodan barracks to do. Thus, on
 page 303 of his book, Nigeria & Biafra:
  My Story, the sub-title therein is: SURRENDER INSTRUMENT.
 It was under that headline that he narrated what he signed
 at Dodan barracks. And if one may ask, what is the
 difference between
 EXIST? For a pettifoger and a 419 historian, half a
 dozen is not the same as six, and therefore that Biafra
 ceased to exist is not the same thing as Biafra
 Dr Obi Nwakanma referred to Banjo's treachery
 in the Midwest campaign but he failed to tell us what
 exactly constituted Banjo's treachery. After the
 invasion of the Midwest, two-pronged attack on Lagos was
 planned. Lt. Colonel Festus Akagha was to
  lead Biafra's second battalion through Benin, Ore, and
  Ijebu-Ode to seize Lagos, while Biafra's third
 battalion led by Lt. Colonel Humphrey Iwuchukwu Chukwuka
 was to lead his troops through Sapele, Warri and advance
 along the coast to attack Lagos. Biafra's
  first battalion led by Lt. Colonel Mike Ivenso was to move
 through Owo, Akure and seize Ibadan. Beside those
 Battalion Commanders, Lt. Colonel Emmanuel Ifeajuna was
 together with Banjo in the Midwest. Symbolically, Banjo was
 the leader of Midwest invasion
  but the real commanders of the invading army were Biafrans
 (Igbo) and the fighting soldiers were all Igbo Biafrans.
 That Biafrans met their waterloo at Ore and other fronts in
 the West was not as a result of treachery by Banjo as
 being fraudulently touted
  by 419 historian.
 .com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroup> för Rex Marinus <>
 Skickat: den 7 mars 2017 13:30
 usaafricadialogue@googlegroups .com
 Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: THE
 Mr. Fakinlede, maybe at this point, I should remind you
 to call me by my proper name: I am not "Mr.
 Marinus" - and I am not "Mr. Nwakanma" since
 I'm not a surgeon. I am Dr. Nwakanma, and I earned my
 plaudits, not
 honoris causa. If you prefer, it is simply "Obi
 Nwakanma" - and that too would be my preference. And I
 should let you know that part of the test of competence in
 the use of any language by which knowledge is transmitted is
 the test of "comprehension."
  I see, very clearly that you do not comprehend the thrust
 of my response on this Biafran question. One, I did not
 infer, suggest, or say that the Biafrans were
 "tricked" into anything. I said that the
 Federal authority's decision on the "no victor, no
  declaration was not simply an act of charity, it was a
 "pragmatic" policy based on the reality of the
 situation, and the negotiations that had gone on leading to
 the end of the conflict. Agreements were reached and
 reneged. If you listen for instance, to Philip
  Effiong's statement at Dodan barracks in 1970, there
 was not a single use of the word "surrender" in
 his speech. He said, "we are returning to Nigeria,
 after removing the factors that has made reconciliation
 impossible. We accept the current authority and
  structure of the federal government, and on the premise
 that we shall all be part of the move towards the transition
 to constitutional rule and a new constitution." Not a
 single word about surrender. Words to that affect. And he
 addressed himself in his full
  rank as Major-General.
 All the references I made regarding the Biafran soldier,
 and the possibility of a guerrilla war were not mine, but
 from neutral sources, including on the spot British
 intelligence field assessment. I do not know who would have
 won the war had the Biafrans
  chosen that option of guerrilla war, but clearly, and I did
 say this, the option for formal, conventional warfare had
 become untenable with the Federal Military advantages. Once
 Biafra began to fight a defensive war after Banjo's
 treachery in the Midwest campaign,
  it was only a matter of time for Biafra to be overwhelmed
 in a formal war. But had they been compelled to launch the
 guerrilla phase of the war, which had all the infrastructure
 already designed for it, the civil war may have led to
 different outcomes: Biafran
  sovereignty at the most, or a long drawn war that would
 expand beyond the Eastern frontiers to a Southern Nigerian
 frontier at the least. Urban warfare is far more
 complicated. Besides, as the British report indicated, the
 Federal Army was in no position to hold
  and secure captured fronts for a long period given the
 topography and advantage that the Biafrans were in their
 natural homes, and had proved with arms, to capture and
 recapture areas often held by the Federal forces. This is
 simply elementary tactical logic. 
  Finally, I did not say that Biafrans released war prisoners
 mainly because they were kind - but from pragmatic
 considerations: they could not carter for war prisoners. By
 the way, I did not say it. It was from a source that I
 quoted. It is left or you to verify
 I think you're far too invested in the idea of a
 "vanquished" Igbo. That seems to give you some
 erection. But where were you during the war when 15 year old
 boys from the East volunteered as soldiers to fight for
 their freedom? Did you see combat or are
  you one of those who "saw the war" from the
 sidelines, but who speak with such pontificatory eloquence
 and certainty about war and the "vanquished" that
 you read about in newspapers? Those who did not fight speak
 of war, and many of us who actually lived through
  it, either as war babies or child soldiers, or combatants
 talk with the kind of experience of that war that will not
 be available to you because you read about war in
 newspapers. The Igbo were not "vanquished" in war.
 I don't know if you actually know the
  exact meaning of that word you use with such gusto. But
 step back a bit from your sick triumphalism, and look, and
 listen to words other than that only inside your head, Mr.
 Fakinlede. As a matter of fact, an old friend and mentor
 mine just died: Ben Obumselu
  was Biafra's official war historian and recorder. I am
 not sure you met him, but it'd have been illuminating
 for you to have had the privilege of insight that should
 have given you a far more nuanced sense of the history of
 the civil war rather than your black-and-white
  narrative of the "vanquished" Biafrans which you
 like so much to believe just to stiffen your third leg.
 Obi Nwakanma
 .com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroup> on behalf of Kayode J. Fakinlede
 Sent: Tuesday, March 7, 2017 4:39 AM
 To: USA Africa Dialogue Series
 Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: THE HISTORY
 From Mr. Marinus’write-ups, I
 have garnered the following:
 decalration of ‘No victor, no vanquished’made by Gowon
 to end the Nigerian civil war was made to save the federal
 side from certain defeat.
 The Biafrans
 did not lose the war. They stopped fighting because they
 were tricked into stopping by certain negotiations to which
 they and Nigeria agreed,
  only later for Nigeria to renege upon it after the Biafran
 side already wrote a letter of surrender. Let us not forget
 that they were tricked into secession in the first place by
 ‘Ali Baba’Awolowo. It wasAwolowo who made the
 pronouncement that if the East
  were to seceed, the West would certainly follow.
 In the
 prosecution of the war, the Biafran soldiers clearly
 demonstrated more military dexterism than the Nigerian
 soldiers who were really no more than
  bumbling idiots and were getting snuffed out like Birthday
 Adekunle’s soldiers were a collection of touts, louts and
 never-do –wells; a highly indisciplined bunch who could
 not hold the candle up to Achuzia’s
  fighting  tornadoes.
 As a matter of
 fact, the Biafran soldiers were more humane than the federal
 soldiers. Having captured a copious number of the federal
 soldiers, the Biafran
  soldiers let them go becuase the Biafrans were filled with
 the  milk of human kindness.
 It would seem
 that it was the Nigerian soldiers who were really dying and
 not Biafran civilians since the Nigerian soldiers chose to
 stick to the highways
  where they were easily snuffed out.
 Ojukwu did not
 really flee the country. He was persuaded to leave, leaving
 Phillip Effiong in charge. Effiong, a non-Ibo simply
 disappeared, probably due
  to cowardise, only to reappear to sign the letter of
 Zik, of
 course, did not abscond. He was only convinced that he was
 of no use to Biafra and decided to say away. Uwechue, 
 Achebe and some other prominent 
  Ibos probably had their own reasons – but not
 All in all, everyone, except the
 Ibos, had something unsavory to do with the Nigerian civil
 war, according to Mr. Marinus. The Ibos were wronged,
  and wronged and wronged again by all other Nigerians while
 they maintained their legendary equanimity until they were
 forced to respond or tricked into responding by others. The
 Biafrans, according to Mr. Marinus, with guerilla warfare
 would have overrun Nigeria
  had it not been that they were persuaded not to do so.
 Let me say this, I have dealt with
 Ibo people from before the war till now. I have always found
 them to be gregarious,  highly intelligent and not
  given to gulibility. The claims made by Mr. Marinus is only
 undermining the ability of the Ibos of that period to make
 independent decisions  and the intelligence of present day
 Ibo’s to use their brains.
 It is no wonder those Ibos who
 actually saw the war are clearly reticent when the drums of
 secesion and of war are being beat  by their youngsters.
  Certainly many of these have swallowed the hogwash being
 bandied by the modern day war mongers.
  The history of the Nigerian
 civil war must be taught to Nigerian children and really, we
 Nigerians, the Ibos in particular,  should make it a point
  to point it out to our young ones exactly what mistakes we
 made that led to that level of  carnage.
 On Friday, March 3, 2017 at 12:23:42 PM UTC+1, Kayode J.
 Fakinlede wrote:
 ‘No victor, no
 This pronuncement, to me,
 is the greatest blunder of our civil war. I can almost say
 that it is at the bottom of the continued aspiration by a
 segment of our society for secession.
 Of course, one could not
 have blamed the government of young Ganeral Gowon. It was
 reasoned then that in declaring that neither side won or
 lost the war, everyone would have learned his lesson and our
 nation would be at peace forever more.
 What we see now is a
 blantant misplacement of historical facts and grotesque
 caricatures being made of those whose intentions were noble.
 But more importantly, we are seeing agitations where none
 should have arisen and from the side that
  was vanqished in the war. The factual victors, having
 remained silent for so long, are now being painted as
 carnivores and murderers.  
 Anyone who was an adult
 during the civil war will definitely not wish another one on
 Nigeria. Lessons have been learned and honestly, not too
 many of these people agitate for secession or any form of
 upheaval, regardless of his tribal origin.
  It is those who were yet unborn or too young to experience
 the realities of war that would think it is child’s
 But the truth is that they
 do not know better. They receive information, not history,
 from their parents. In most instances, while the intenions
 of the older ones may not be for agitation, a vanquished
 people will always tell a story of
  their mistreatment and their heroism in the face of all
 A factual history of the
 civil war must be taught in all our schools to all our
 children. This is not to put any segment of our nation down.
 It is reasonable because this event marks the singular
 greatest period when, but for providence
  sake, Nigeria would have disintegrated. Moreover, people
 badly informed of the mistreatment of their forebears are
 bound to react negatively to their perceived malefactors.
 This subject needs not be
 given a name that would be derogatory to any side. It can
 just be called ‘The Nigerian Civil War’. Therein all our
 young ones will learn as a subject matter: the events that
 led to the war; attempts to resolve
  the issues so war could be averted; who were the initial
 aggressors; who took part militarily in the war; who were
 the heroes; the parts played by our own leaders either in
 preventing or agitating for war; the parts played by others
 in trying to prevent war;
  how the war was prosecuted; how the war was brought to an
 end; life after the war; attempts to rebuild; the lingering
 issues arising from the war; the effects of the war on our
 present political life; important dates in the process;
 There is so much to teach
 our children and they should be properly and factually
 taught. Some smart person once said that whoever forgets the
 past is bound to repeat it, or something of that nature.
 I rest my case
 Fakinlede K
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