From: Chief Fonkem <Atoabechied001@hotmail.com>
Date: Saturday, April 28, 2018 at 7:25 AM
To: Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu>
Subject: Dossier Noir Sur le Cameroun ( This Book review by someone may help readers of USAAfricaDialogues bring some light to situation in the Cameroons)
Dossier Noir sur le Cameroun in French or Black/obscured aspects/reports on Cameroon in English is an honest, but some how a nostalgic, exhaustive report on the problems and functions of politics ,governance, secret services or undercover agents and the national security of Cameroon, authored by an insider. Pierre Ela, the name of the author of the 287 page book was a member of one of Cameroon's many secret services and it is no surprise that, his book divided in 8 chapters touches all the sensitive aspects of the country.
Besides writing on subjects that most often, the local press and politicians do speculate and manipulate them, the author also recount his role within the state secret security service and his role on the side of some senior statesmen such as late Samuel Eboa. The book is a masterpiece of honesty, and a unique method full of clinical precisions on information provided therein. National security is the title of chapter one. In this part, the author explains how and why he was shocked in Cameroon, not because of the 1984 failed coup d'etat, which took place when he was service head at the Directorate of national security, but more with turns of events in the country.
What made Pierre Ela to tremble and even go on the periphery of trauma was as he puts it, the demise of the popularity of Paul Biya president of the Republique. The symbol of the fall from grace of the president was according to the author, the January 1991 court case pitting the state against the duo of Celestin Monga and Pius Njawe, journalist/publisher of the French language independent weekly Le Massager. The pair of (Celestin Monga and Pius Njawe) were arraigned before the Douala Court of first instance for a vitriolic article written against the head of State Paul Biya and was published in Le Messager.
The author writes that, he was surprised how the population of Douala and the rest of the country instead of supporting the head of state as they did in 1984 stood up in support of those accused. In his opinion, it was a clear indication that, Biya was no longer appreciated in the country and it was the beginning of the end of the system of Paul Biya. In this chapter also, the author focuses on the indices of development of Cameroon since Biya came to power.
His reports are based on the findings and publications of the World Bank which points out that, Cameroon's indices of development has fallen back 25 years in all aspects of human development, hence he concludes that, Cameroon is in danger. Why? According to the author, the reasons are simple. A) The state security services are not only under funded, they are multiple, overlapping each other, with no clear cut hierarchy and no defined responsibilities and they are also chronically inept. B) While the security services are under funded and disorganised, the budget for the protection of the head of state is increasing, whereas the budget allocation for Education and Healthcare of Cameroonians are grossly plummeting.
Chapter two demonstrates how Cameroon has become the battle ground for foreign secret services such as the American CIA, the Israeli MOSSAD and French DST. He also exposes here, the conflicts that reigns within Cameroon's own plethoric secret services, which he says was in mark difference with how the country's secret services operated under late President Ahmadou Ahidjo. He also writes on why President Biya decided to hand over his personal protection to the Israeli MOSSAD and the consequences that it orchestrated in Biya's relationship with France. Paul Biya's handing over of his personal protection to the Israelites was according to the author, an indirect appeal to the Americans. It is this final ambiguity that Chapter three clarifies.
According to the author, the action of Biya, that is, the handover of his security to Israel irritated France. Why? Because Cameroon is considered France's zone of influence on the continent, thus what Biya did was tantamount to committing a lèse majesté that Biya and Cameroonians were to pay dearly. According to the author, the University uprisings the early 90's and the targeted killings of some prestigious Cameroon as from 1988 was France's response to Biya's change of loyalty. He concludes this chapter by writing that, contrary to what the government said were the missions of the CIA or MOSSAD in Cameroon, the real objective of the duo or even the trio, because the German services were also involved, was to encourage peaceful democratic alternation in Cameroon, whereas France wanted to destabilise Cameroon outright.
Chapter four is the continuation of the preceding one, but here, he brings in more clarity on the roles of the Israeli MOSSAD and the American CIA in Cameroon. He also explains in greater details why France wanted not only to destabilise Cameroon, but also wanted to eliminate Paul Biya physically, all these with the active or passive complicities of some members of government and the very secret services created by Biya for his personal protection. In this chapter, the author also waves off as baseless, claims that, it was late Francois Mitterrand who forced Ahidjo to hand over power to Paul Biya. The reasons why Biya fell out with his former boss Ahmadou Ahidjo and also why William Aurelian Eteki Mboumoua, Cameroon's foreign minister from 1984-1987 was unceremoniously dismissed are handled in this chapter.
This chapter is carefully written with subheadings to provide details. It has sub headings such as: the CIA is playing with US or the CIA is operating against us, the relationship between Paul Biya and the Americans. He also gives the reasons why after resorting to Israeli/American help or protection, Biya decided to seek France's protection and support again. Chapter five focuses on late Francois Sengat Kuo, a senior state civil servant and ideologue of the first President and briefly under Paul Biya, before he was disgraced by the conservative forces gravitating around Biya. The author also writes on the pivotal roles played by Sengat Kuo during the first multiparty presidential elections in Cameroon on the side of John Fru Ndi and the SDF.
He reveals that, contrary to popular thoughts, Francois Sengat Kuo was the real campaign manager and ideologue of Mr John Fru Ndi and the SDF. Francois he adds was operating from behind and Bernard A. Muna was handing his position officially or simply fronting. This information destroys the mythology around Muna and the roles he played during 1992 first multiparty presidential elections in Cameroon. Meanwhile chapter six begins with a cynical question: has the system of Ahidjo been re-established? In reality, this is aimed at showing the operational contradictions that exist between the current regime and that of the late President of Cameroon.
The author writes that, unlike Ahidjo, Biya does not have confidence in any of his collaborators and rarely holds working meetings with his ministers. To buttress his point, he chips in a conversation he held with Robert Mbella Mbappe, several times minister under Biya, the conversation was held at the domicile of James Onobiono in Douala. Mr Mbappe according to the author was openly expressing his exasperation against Biya in particular his lack confidence in his close collaborators. In this chapter, he explains why Francois Sengat Kuo left the ruling CPDM and also why Late Dr John NGU Foncha resigned his honorific post of vice chair of the ruling party.
Although Anglophones do not hold Ahidjo at heart, especially with his fictitious referendum of May 20th 1972 that ended the federal system the country inherited from 1961, the author seems to want to exonerate Ahmadou Ahidjo. How? Pierre Ela writes that, Ahidjo's actions were at the instigation of France. He continues that, it was sparked during a visit made by Ahidjo to France and he was encouraged during that visit by late General Charles De Gaulle to force the English-speaking part of Cameroon to learn French as a means to consolidate the unity of the country. The author writes that, Ahidjo presented the bill that was to end the federal nature of Cameroon to Anglophone leaders as a consolidation scheme and also avoided further provocations.
But the author writes that, Biya has multiplied provocations and manifest disdain toward the minority English-speaking population of Cameroon, hence the rise of Anglophone nationalism as observed currently. He also writes that, Cameroon was the only country in the world that he knows that operates with two constitutions, that of 1972 and the new one of 1996 that is not fully implemented. The author also warns that, the full implementation of the new constitution of Cameroon will be the consecration of tribalism in the country with an intention of destroying the English-speaking legacy of the country. For according to the author, the 1996 constitution of Cameroon which makes Cameroon a decentralised state, has as plans/objective to amalgamate the English-speaking South west province with the French–speaking Littoral province and the French-speaking West province with the English –speaking North West province.
He writes also that, another problem of Cameroon is the chronic unavailability of Paul Biya which has exasperated every one and even Cardinal Christian Tumi, the archbishop of the Douala archdiocese is worried and fears about the consequences of a boat (Cameroon) without anybody at its ruder. This chapter also has subheadings such as: Ahmadou Ahidjo within the French-speaking African strategy of late General Charles De Gaulle, the method of General De Gaulle in Africa, which according to the author rested or relied on the trio of late Houphouet Boigny (Ivory Coast) late Leopold Seder Senghor (Senegal) and late Ahmadou Ahidjo (Cameroon).
Chapter seven focuses on the first multiparty presidential elections of 1992, the reason behind the botched attempt by the big three main opposition political parties namely: the UPC, NUDP and the SDF to present a single presidential candidate, the duplicity of the regime and also how Bello Bouba Maigari MP also known or called by the author as "Ayatollah", destroyed all prospects of political alternation of power in Cameroon. He also write on why and how France wants political power in Cameroon to oscillate between the predominantly Moslem Greater Northern provinces of Cameroon and the largely animist and Christian dominated South–eastern provinces at the detriment of the greater Western provinces of the country, all this because, France is not sure of the loyalty of elites from the greater Western provinces.
The greater western provinces of Cameroon are made up of the North West, West, South West and Littoral. Although these parts are Christians, it main problem besides the fear of loyalty as earlier mentioned are also that, it has two English-speaking provinces that France is implacably hostile to and would not want to see them hold any political power in Cameroon. This explains why the SDF, being predominantly English-speaking and supported largely by people from afore mentioned provinces wins every elections organised in the country since the reintroduction of multiparty democracy, but she has been cheated by the government with the active support of France.
This assertion from the author destroys all claims made by people who argue that, the inability of the SDF to win political power in Cameroon is due to the incompetence of John Fru Ndi. He also writes that, the repeated refusal of Samuel Eboua former chair of the NUDP and head of the MDP party to support the SDF was motivated by the fact that, there was an unofficial order in Cameroon that bans or bars English–speaking Cameroonians from becoming president of the Republic. The author also writes that, while the Americans and the Germans were trying to right the injustices stemming from the 1992 presidential elections, the British government was curiously passive or was supporting France by backing the Biya regime. All what the British government did when it became evident that John Fru Ndi won the 1992 presidential elections and all western countries except France wanted the respect of the verdict, Britain brought spies in Cameroon to find out whether the majority was ready for change or were ready to accept an English-speaking Cameroonian as president. The author reveals.
It is really strange, because this same labour government in Britain is pressing for political change in Zimbabwe which is governed by a brutal and equally corrupt government. Perhaps the British none support of the SDF were the manifestation of the British labour party's hypocrisy and racism. This is supported by the fact that, they focus more on Zimbabwe because the White tribe is concern and less on other African countries with equally corrupt dictatorial governments. The other reason why Britain did not support the SDF may simply be that, they wanted to respect the cold war pact that denied English-speaking Cameroon the prospect of self determination and placed her within the orbit of France through a bogus reunification sanctioned by the UN in 1961.
However the action of the British labour party toward Cameroon is not very strange, they have always been treacherous to Black Africans. The preponderant roles it gave Egypt over the management of the Nile River is an excellent example. The final chapter focuses on the Anglophone problems and the author demonstrates here that, he was really a former staff of the secret services of Cameroon. Hence his honesty and revelations on a topic that most French-speaking Cameroonians consider as a fait accompli is praiseworthy. He writes that, John NGU Foncha, former premier of British Southern Cameroon's was not excited over the issue of reunification with French–speaking Cameroon. But joint the team supporting reunification when he discovered that, the government at the time in Britain had given up or sold them to France.
Late Ahmadou Ahidjo, president of independent Republic of French-speaking East Cameroon with the backing of France, mindful that, Foncha who was leader of Anglophone Cameroon was alone without any support from Britain, the author writes that, he (Ahidjo) capitalised on that, and snubbed all propositions made by the Foncha led delegation. The author writes that, Ahidjo's propositions which were in reality those dictated by France tabled in front of the Anglophones made the negotiations not to be one of equals. In other words, the reunifications began on a false start. In concluding this very informative chapter focused on the Anglophones and their problems in Cameroon, the author writes that, the Foumban conference was nothing but a farce. Here, the author's position on the Anglophone conciliates nicely with those of another Anglophone, Ndeh Ntumazah as expressed in his autobiography, wherein he compares the Foumban conference to a slaughter house for the minority Anglophones in Cameroon.
The forward of this book may sound as though the author is a public relations officer of the late former President and his regime. But it is in reality, the expressions of justifiable nostalgia for a man and system that left Cameroon prosperous and today under Paul Biya, she (Cameroon) is ruined. More so, Cameroon is walking slowly but effectively on the path of a failed state that is unable to meet the basic needs of its citizens, especially its teaming youthful population. Pierre Ela's book is simple, fluid and above all coherent. His equanimity in the way he has written the chapters and conclusions of his book betrays nonetheless the anxiety of a man who is watching daily how his beloved country is slated for self destruction, if nothing is done. In other words, this book is wonderfully well written and answers many questions regarding Cameroon.
Book's profile:-
Name of author: Pierre Ela
Book's name: Dossier Noir sur Le Cameroun
Language Used: French
Publisher: Edition Pyramide Papyrus Presse
Year of Publication: 2002
Cost: E 18
To order your own copy, write:
Edition Pyradmide Papyrus Presse
26 rue des Rigoles , 75020 Paris , France.
I'd rather be free in my cave, than a slave in someone else's mansion.
"If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor"
Bishop Desmond Tutu
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