Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter: @farooqkperogi
Sent from my phone. Please forgive typos and omissions.
--Oke Ogo,
So you witnessed sister Amina being saved by a 'retaliatory mob' that turned into a salvation mob looking for Hausas to save in Aba? Have you ever heard of any such brotherly love in the North, a mob of the Talakawa looking for Ndi Nkiti to save? After the Nigerian Biafra War, my father accommodated a family of 'Mallam Nwa Awusa' with his two wives and children and without charging any rents even though we lost family members to the genocidal violence against the Igbo committed mainly by fellow Christians who spoke different tongues in Nigeria.
Soyinka addressed this in Death and the King's Horseman with the science fiction character of the Not I Bird. The hunter was going after the innocent bird that never hurt a fly and the bird knocked on the doors of neighbors for asylum but Soyinka's kinsmen, including Christian and Muslim clergy, claimed not to have heard the cry for help. In Season of Anomy, Soyinka again recounted the eye-witness story of the mass killing of Mr Half Dozen and his people by their friends and neighbors though he drunkenly fought back before he was over-powered. Adichie also narrates how Olanna witnessed the killing of her uncle by his poor friends and neighbors in Kano but in her case, her royal boyfriend saved her and urged her to flee from the North for safety in Half of a Yellow Sun.
Instead of a salvation mob looking for the Igbo to save, the mob gathered in Gboko to waylay the fleeing Igbo who were fleeing from the north and force the young women from the trains to be raped by lepers, cut open wombs and dashed the fetuses against rocks, and used tippers to offload the dead and dying into the river, Soyinka testified in Conversations at Night with a Cockroach. Where is the outrage from Nigerian intellectuals from all over the country the way almost all Nigerians are outraged about the kidnapping of gwongworo loads of school children for sex slavery or their unlawful detention by the government in the North East and over the killing of farmers by cattle herders in Benue, Southern Kaduna, and all over the south today? African Lives Matter!
It is true that there are killings in the East by Easterners too and most of the victims are Igbo. But everyone will agree that the Igbo have never committed genocide against any other group of people and yet they are the ones targeted for massacres by security forces. The minority people of the South South sometimes allege that the Igbo, and not the invading federal troops, must have killed their own people too but the evidence shows that the minorities joined the federal troops in hunting and massacring their Igbo neighbors and friends to claim their properties as abandoned properties. Moreover, Elechi Amadi, Ken Sara-Wiwa, Adaka Boro, N.U. Akpan, and Phjillip Effiong, never reported any genocide by the Igbo against their people in their memoirs as minority leaders on both sides of the conflict.
It is interesting to know that Ake regarded ethnicity as dominant while class is determinant but how come he never said a word to condemn the genocide against the Igbo and express support for the principle of self-determination by oppressed nationalities, the way Lenin did? If he did so in his influential theoretical work somewhere, I must have missed it and would like to follow up on that. Nzimiro and Achebe were clear that there were intellectuals waging a class war within Biafra to push for a socialist agenda and they won the symbolic victory of getting Ojukwu to proclaim the Ahiara Declaration much like the Arusha Declaration of Nyerere.
The socialist intellectuals who rallied around the genocidal army in national interest had only crass opportunism to show for it, says Madunagu, except for intellectuals like Malam Aminu Kano, S.G. Ikoku and Ukpabi Asika who may have influenced Gowon to accept the peace proposal by Azikiwe and declare no victor no vanquished. Awo, as Finance Minister and Vice Chair of the military administration, imposed the 20 pounds refund per family no matter how much they had in the banks before the war to cripple the survivors economically and he joined Anthony Enahoro to continue defending their indefensible claim that starvation was a legitimate weapon of war and that all was fair in warfare against innocent fellow Christians.
To those who brag that the Igbo deserved genocide as retaliation because Igbo officers were among the leaders of the coup that killed leaders from other parts of the country, remind them that that coup was quashed by Igbo officers and that the coup plotters were arrested and detained to await trial and that the mass killing of the Igbo started in Jos in 1945 and in Kano in 1956 during colonial rule before the civil war and that it continues in what Ekwe-Ekwe called the Fourth Stage today.
In-Law, Nna men bros, it is not too late for you to add your voice in condemnation of the genocide that claimed 3.1 million of your own ndi Ogo. Even Soyinka, Dokubo, Fani-Kayode, and a few others who are not all related to the Igbo by marriage, have cleared their conscience by condemning the genocide. Which side you dey? Call for atonement in your influential columns. Also call for Talakawa parents to insist on the education of all their sons and daughters to the best of their abilities the way that rich northerners and even poor southerners sacrifice to educate their children to the best of their abilities in Nigeria and abroad.
Finally, let us also organize for restructuration to go beyond colonial borders and include the Pan African option of one Afrika for all Africans at home and abroad without any colonial boundaries. Forward to the Peoples Republic of Africa or the United Republic of African States. Organize, do not agonize!
Biko
On Saturday, 26 September 2020, 19:23:37 GMT-4, Farooq A. Kperogi <farooqkperogi@gmail.com> wrote:
--Oga prof.,
Sadly, there were retaliatory murders of northerners in Aba, Onitsha, Owerri and other places. Sadder still, most of the victims were Tiv, Idoma, Igala, etc. Christians whose protestations that they were neither Hausas nor Muslims did little to save them.
But I also found heartwarming stories of northerners who were saved by their Igbo neighbors.
The story of one Amina who was born and raised in Aba and who spoke better Igbo than she spoke Hausa caused me to shed tears. She was going to be killed by the Bakassi Boys because her dressing gave her away as a Hausa girl.
At the point she was going to be struck, she said in perfect, unaccented Igbo that if they killed her, they would be killing their own sister because she had never been to the North and considered herself Igbo. She said she was as troubled by the periodic massacres of Igbos up North as everyone of her potential killers.
The Bakasi Boys not only spared her, they changed their minds and went from retaliatory murders of northerners to looking for northerners to save.
Yes, class is an ever-present structural feature of our society, but Claude Ake's seminal observation that while class may be a "determinant" contradiction (in Nigeria), it isn't the "dominant" one is important here. Ethnicity and religion are our dominant contradictions, but I admit that class can't be ignored.
Daalu!
Farooq
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter: @farooqkperogi
Sent from my phone. Please forgive typos and omissions.
On Sat, Sep 26, 2020, 3:17 PM 'Biko Agozino' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:
--Ogo Farooq,
Na wetin you find during that 'reccing' (reconnaissance) journey to the East? You find retaliatory killing? For where? Nna, give some credit to your in-laws now. Give Ndi Igbo some credit for never resorting to retaliatory mass killings despite waves of genocidal violence directed against them. They keep going back to where they are killing their people for their business of serving their fellow Africans. Urge the Nigerian government to apologize for the treatment of model citizens like the Igbo and offer them reparative justice. No need for evolution on that one.
If you had stopped at Artisan Market in Enugu to buy a goat during your sabo trip, the young Hausaphone sellers would have bargained with you in perfect Igbo because they were born and raised there where a Fulani man was elected for two terms as the first Mayor back in 1952. It is only when you ask them their names that you will realize that they are Muslims. The Igbo, Hausa, Youruba, Efik, Ijaw, Urobo, Tiv, Nupe, Birom, Edo, Ibibio, Ikwere, are all brothers and sisters as you reminded us in a previous post.
Oga Falola, no mind those parapo Yoruba people, you done dey chop amala and ewedu soup with Oyibo more than you done chop isi ewu with any Igbo man, except Ohadike or Afigbo maybe, and yet they still dey call you Baba Kiki Iwin, not Omo Okoro. Next time they yab you, remind them that the Ooni himself agrees with Ifa that the father of Obatala was Igbo. We are family and anyone who thinks otherwise should prove the null hypothesis of no relationship between x and y.
We are all African brothers and sisters though tongues differ. There will still be quarrels in every family, but the genocidal Igbophobic violence is a colonial intrusion that our people did not experience before slavery and colonialism, according to Walter Rodney inn HEUA. The Labour Party government of Harold Wilson, USSR, and Shell BP are not African tribes, yet they armed the genocidist troops against innocent Igbo people and called it ethnic conflict.
Your final paragraph on Somalia raises the curse of the Tower of Babel that Toni Morrison ailuded to in her Nobel Prize lecture, praising diversity as something good - speaking the same tongue leads to trouble because even when someone whistles to say that your mama is so ugly, you go hear am and say that he should take it back or wahala go burst. Germany, Japan, Italy, Rwanda, and Somalia came close to that hysterical imposition of monolingualism but they each paid a huge price of nearly being wiped out of the face of the earth.
What you left out of the equation is the question of class. Irrespective of your language or religion, you go follow them dey chop if you are one of the Aristos oppressing the people. Eskor Toyo taught us that Nigerians make the mistake of thinking that religion or ethnicity is the most important identity but if you no go school and you no get kwudi-ego-owo-okuk-money, you go dey chew nails for any capitalist country.
Farooq, pursue this research but shift it away from ethnic supremacy. Instead ask the Hausa elites and ordinary parents why they are neglecting the education of the Talakawa. It is impossible to imagine that the Igbo would dominate the federal government as much as the Hausa and Fulani have while their young people perform so poorlyin education. Let us address the question of access for all boys and girls immediately and train them to avoid the distractions of smart phones and naughty movies late at night.
This is a problem that will not wait for gradual evolution across Africa. Education can be revolutionized within a generation so that, irrespective of the numbers of languages you speak, you can read and write t make it more difficult for anyone to mobilize you to go and kill millions of your brothers and sisters just because they speak a different tongue that you probably learned and aced the way they say that Baba Buhari got A in Igbo on his WAEC certificate (perhaps to equip him to spy on the unjustly hated Igbo but also more likely because he may have been adopted by an Igbo teacher when he was orphaned).
We need to emphasize education in all the 2000 languages in Africa to enable us to tap into the mystery hypothesis which states that no culture has ever industrialized by relying on the languages of colonizers.
This may be relevant to the testing of the hypothesis:
Biko
On Saturday, 26 September 2020, 11:40:51 GMT-4, Farooq A. Kperogi <farooqkperogi@gmail.com> wrote:
Oga,
This last paragraph from the column answers your concern:
"Of course, as the example of Somalia shows, nations don't endure merely because of the similarities and shared memories of the people that constitute it. That was why Steve Goodier once said, 'We don't get harmony when everybody sings the same note. Only notes that are different can harmonize. The same is true with people.'"
I agree that I need to develop it further. Although linguistic similarities don't erase ethnic differences, I think they make harmonious co-existence easier.
Farooq
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.com
Twitter: @farooqkperogi
Sent from my phone. Please forgive typos and omissions.
--On Sat, Sep 26, 2020, 9:06 AM Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu> wrote:
--Farooq:
Great essay, but can you do a follow-up in comparative terms? Link languages to identity (we see the success in Israel, the Afrikaners in South Africa). I have traveled to places to see how this works, including to India. But I have also see failure—the Yoruba speak the same language and its variants but they fight a lot. Don't be surprised, there are Yoruba who say that I am not Yoruba because I eat with Biko!
Unless I am misreading you, and doing so to an extreme, a common language does not erase other identity markers, as they are socially constructed. The slaves and their masters spoke the same language, to use an extreme example.
Ahmad Bamba used Wolof to do what you are recommending, ultimately creating a broader identity.
I am not joking—if spreading the use of one language can bring about what you intend, a state that controls the bulk of the budget can achieve this within a few years. If you don't speak Hausa, no pay-check!
Let me now get into trouble with you—I once told you Buhari every week is a bad staple; we need to eat other food!
TF
From: dialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of "Farooq A. Kperogi" <farooqkperogi@gmail.com>
Reply-To: dialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Date: Saturday, September 26, 2020 at 7:45 AM
To: dialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Nigeria Won't Break. It'd Evolve. Here's How
Saturday, September 26, 2020
Nigeria Won't Break. It'd Evolve. Here's How
By Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
Twitter: @farooqkperogi
Nigeria will be 60 years old as a formally independent country next Thursday, but the divisibility and tiresomely endless feuding that have emerged as some of its defining features since its forced birth more than a century ago show no sign of abating.
The immobilizing factiousness of the past five years have particularly conduced to the growing sentiment that Nigeria won't be around much longer. Opinion leaders of major ethnic groups are plotting exit strategies from the Nigerian union.
But as much as I respect the rights of any people to dissociate from a toxic Nigerian union that seems to hold everybody back, I think that news of Nigeria's imminent dismemberment is greatly exaggerated.
What I foresee happening—bits of which are actually already manifest—is that Nigeria would use its current ethnographic resources to evolve into a completely different country. And here's my admittedly imperfect ethnographic forecast of an evolved Nigeria.
Let me begin from northern Nigeria, Lugardian northern Nigeria, that is. Home to more than half of Nigeria's over 500 ethnic groups, northern Nigeria is Nigeria's most diverse region. Even the two major ethnic groups from Southern Nigeria are represented in the North.
There are Yoruba people who are native to Kwara and Kogi states and there are Igbo people—of the Ezza, Izzi and Effium sub-group, who are also found in Ebonyi State—who are native to at least four of Benue State's 23 local governments. That makes northern Nigeria the microcosm of Nigeria.
But I prognosticate that an evolved northern Nigeria would be monolingual with a few holdouts. The Hausa language already predominates in 16 of northern Nigeria's 19 states. Only Benue, Kogi and Kwara states have so far resisted the linguistic hegemony of the Hausa language.
Every subsequent generation in the 16 Hausaphone northern Nigerian states internalizes the logic and desirability of Hausa-inflected linguistic uniformity and a corresponding abandonment of the plethora of native languages that dot the region's linguistic map.
Even Fulfulde (as the language Fulani people speak is called) is dying in such northeastern states as Adamawa, Taraba, Gombe and Bauchi, and the resistance to Hausa in Kanuri-speaking Borno and Yobe weakens every generation.
The relentless march of the Hausa language in Northern Nigeria will ensure that a somewhat unified mega identity, riven only by religion, would emerge, and memories of previous ethnic and linguistic identities would recede or disappear—in the same way that many Hausa-speaking communities in northwest Nigeria have no memory that their distant ancestors were not Hausa-speaking people.
So two dominant identities would emerge from northern Nigeria: Hausaphone Muslim northerners and Hausaphone Christian northerners. The Tiv, Idoma, Igede, Igbo, etc. people of Benue State who have historically resisted the Hausa language would share more in common with the emergent ethnic alchemies of southern Nigeria than they would with Hausaphone northern Christians.
The Yoruba-speaking people of Kwara and Kogi states would also fit more easily with their kith in the Southwest, with Ilorin Emirate being a holdout even though its sociolinguistic and geographic singularities would not permit its seamless fusion into the Hausaphone northern Muslim identity.
The people of what has been called Kwara North—the Baatonu and Boko people of Baruten and Kaiama local governments and the Nupe people of Pategi and Edu local governments— who are culturally more similar to other Muslim northerners than they are to the Yoruba-speaking parts of Kwara State would easily meld well into the Hausaphone Muslim identity. Both the Igala and the Ebira of Kogi have cultural and linguistic kith in southern Nigeria and are easily amenable to Hausaphone Muslim/Christian identities.
The former Eastern and Midwestern Nigeria are already witnessing the incipience of an alchemic ethnic fusion of disparate groups enabled largely by the enormous creolization of Nigerian Pidgin English and the Pentecostalization of the Christianity of the regions.
By creolization, I mean the transformation of Nigerian Pidgin English from an anarchic, emergency contact language for episodic encounters to a stable, rule-governed, self-sufficient native language that millions of people speak and identify with on an emotional and cultural level such as is the case with the Krio of Sierra Leone.
The creolization of Nigerian Pidgin English seems unstoppable and appears primed to play the role Hausa is playing in northern Nigeria as an ethnographic glue to coalesce otherwise historically disparate people. The shared Christian identity of the people of the regions, which is now increasingly Pentecostal Christianity, would accentuate this process.
As anyone who pays attention to Edo State would testify, the new identity formation among southern Nigerian minorities is already killing Islam in Edo North where it has existed for decades. There is a mass Christianization of Muslims in northern Edo, and this would only intensify in the coming generations.
As I've shown previously, Islam is a strong building block for identity formation in Northern Nigeria, so that "Hausa" and "Muslim" have become misleadingly synonymous in the Nigerian popular imagination. That is why people of northern Edo used to be erroneously called "Bendel Hausa" even though they speak an Edoid language that is almost mutually intelligible with the Bini language.
The association of Islam with Hausa—or, to use the trendiest hyphenated identity formation, Hausa-Fulani—is leading to its repudiation in even historically Muslim polities in southern Nigeria such as Yorubaland.
Stories of Yoruba Imams who aren't allowed to lead prayers in the North and of the distrust of the authenticity of the Islam of Yoruba people by Hausa Muslims help to solidify resistance to Islam. Today, overtly Muslim Yoruba people are seen as by non-Muslim Yoruba as perfidious toadies of the Muslim North.
If this attitude persists—and I don't see any reason why it wouldn't—it means southern Nigeria would become wholly Christian a few generations from now.
It is not clear to me now if Pidgin English in the former Western Nigeria would be creolized like it is becoming among southern minorities because of the social prestige of the Yoruba language and the numerical power of its native speaker base, but there are already signs that this is happening among the Igbo people.
The Igbo language is the only Nigerian language with millions of native speakers which is nonetheless classified as an "endangered language" because of the tendency toward what Professor Chukuwma Azuonye has called "the fetishization of English" among the Igbo, including code-mixing and code switching, assimilation of Pidgin English into the Igbo language, among other factors he identified in his article titled "Igbo as an Endangered Language."
I have a personal encounter with this. In 2000 when news filtered through that there were retaliatory mass slaughters of northerners in the southeast, the editor-in-chief of Weekly Trust where I worked requested that I travel there to cover it.
He said I could easily pass for an Igbo man and that my linguistic handicap in the Igbo language wouldn't be an issue since Igbo people actually revere their kith who are monolingual in English. What he said turned out to be accurate. Throughout the five days I traveled all over the region, not once was I suspected to be anything but an Igbo.
I got along with a mixture of Pidgin English, Standard English, and a strategic sprinkling of "nna" and other popular Igbo intensifiers in my speech. In fact, when I was returning to Kaduna, someone in Onitsha actually asked why I was going to "where they are killing our people." "Nna, na my business," I said.
In other words, generations from now, the fissiparity that drives Nigeria's current ethnic tensions will dissipate and the fresh contradictions of an evolved Nigeria would frustrate its dismemberment.
For instance, Hausaphone northern Christians, who are a huge chunk, would be invested in a united Nigeria for their self-survival. Although they would share linguistic affinities with the Hausaphone Muslim North, their apprehensions about religious domination would connect them to a creolized Christian South.
More than that, though, Nigeria has generated an enormous repertoire of collective national identity symbols that the upcoming generations, who won't be moored to the same identities as us, would find hard to throw away.
Of course, as the example of Somalia shows, nations don't endure merely because of the similarities and shared memories of the people that constitute it. That was why Steve Goodier once said, "We don't get harmony when everybody sings the same note. Only notes that are different can harmonize. The same is true with people."
Oshiomhole and His Lizard and Lion Hyperbole
I watched a video clip of Oshiomhole's interview with ChannnelsTV a day before the Edo governorship election where he characterized Obaseki's promise to extirpate his "godfatherly" tentacles in Edo as the threats of a "lizard" to a "lion." (Obaseki is the "lizard" and he is the "lion.")
That's an unusually over-dramatic hyperbole, which aggrandizes the enormity of Oshiomhole's defeat--and the deep psychic rupture he must be nursing now.
The defeat of a lion by a lizard is the stuff of legends. The Bible's "David and Goliath" story pales miserably in comparison!
Related Article:
Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D.
School of Communication & Media
Social Science Building
Room 5092 MD 2207
402 Bartow Avenue
Kennesaw State UniversityKennesaw, Georgia, USA 30144
Cell: (+1) 404-573-9697
Personal website: www.farooqkperogi.comTwitter: @farooqkperogi
Nigeria's Digital Diaspora: Citizen Media, Democracy, and Participation
"The nice thing about pessimism is that you are constantly being either proven right or pleasantly surprised." G. F. Will--
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