Sunday, February 28, 2021

RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - KALASHNIKOV

Corrected.
(  I first started with one question, then expanded)



Sent from my Galaxy


-------- Original message --------
From: OLAYINKA AGBETUYI <yagbetuyi@hotmail.com>
Date: 28/02/2021 09:45 (GMT+00:00)
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - KALASHNIKOV

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My simple questions to you are did you miss the separate tension generated between the Hausa and Fulani as narrated by Jibrin or did he lie about that so we can grasp only the North/ South dichotomy in the essay?

Why were there conflicts between the Hausa and Fulani before the herds headed south?

Your own alternative narratjve please...


OAA



Sent from my Galaxy



-------- Original message --------
From: Femi Segun <soloruntoba@gmail.com>
Date: 27/02/2021 23:54 (GMT+00:00)
To: 'Chika Onyeani' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - KALASHNIKOV

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'Well done for an excellent narrative on why we are here regarding the dire security situation which some un-inforned see only through ethnic hegemonic lens.  The persistent question is where do we go from here?'
 Omoba OAA.
I think you are running from the truth when you fail to see the ethnic hegemonic dimension to what is unfolding in Nigeria today. And I am very surprised that you, as an educated man  with so much exposure will not see what the ordinary man and woman on the street can see so vividly. Even the Jibo that you are commending so profusely appears to be part of the ethic hegemonic advocates-I pointed this out in my reaction to his article last week. Did he deem any of the responses reasonable enough for him to offer explanation for the deliberate falsehood that he promoted through that article?. What other evidence do you need from the one sided approach that the government has adopted in almost everything since Buhari came to power? What is the rational basis behind the deliberate distortion of the Federal Character principle? What is the 95 and 5 percentage speech Buhari gave when he came to power? Scholars of Federalism like Rotimi Suberu, Adele Jinadu, Eme Awa and others have told us that despite the imperfections in the Federal Character principle, it remains one of the creative mechanisms through which the Nigerian federation has been kept going. On several fronts, most notably in the composition of the security apparatus, Buhari has violated that principle. What evidence are you looking for other than to see that while Gumi is today hobnobbing with bandits (whom he wants us to equate with Niger Delta militants), and a sitting governor giving credence to Fulani Herdsmen carrying AK-47 around and killing people, the Buhari government has no ball to call them to order. Gumi went as far as saying Christian soldiers are killing muslisms, when in fact these Nigerians are performing their constitutional duties, yet not a word of reprimand from the Government? What evidence are you looking for when Fulani herdsmen kill and maim and even lay claim to the lands of others from Benue to Ondo and the Government see nothing wrong in thar? What other evidence are you looking for when Myetii Allah  leaders claim responsibility for killing people who they accused of killing cows and none of them has been held to account? Are these open and daylight demonstrations of ethinc chauvinism not enough to make any discerning mind know that the Government is partial? When you allow  people from your ethnic section of the  country to carry guns around in clear violation of the Constitution and disempower  or disallow  people from other  sections of the country from doing so, what do we call that? Did you see the way Garba Shehu responded to what happened in Shasha and his reticent or willful silence in the face of the killings perpetrated by Fulani herdsmen across the country?  If the Military can attack and kill IPOB members who are just protesting and expressing their wish for self-determination, why do you think the same Government cannot order the military to take the battle to the gate of Boko Haram or even the bandits who have now tseen kidnapping as a lucrative business?, Did you not read when the Governor of Borno State said the military knows where Boko Haram people are hiding? For a refresher, please read Dr.Abimbola Adelakun's piece of the Punch, this Thursday. We all want Nigeria to succeed but escapism from the reality of what is happening in the name of liberalism or cosmopolitanism is not one of the best things to do. Again, I repeat to the denialists that if they have relatives who have been killed by the rampaging Fulani herdsmen who have become untouchable because they have the backing of the Government either directly or indirectly, such people will think differently..Iam  not sure you can be more northern than Aisha Yesufu who was courageous enough to say yesterday that even the body language of the President emboldens the bandits and the rampaging criminals. To sum it up, it is simplistic to call those who call attention to the existential threat being faced by a whole group of people as ill-informed. I will take Prof Jibril Ibrahim serious again when he apologise for the falsehood that he perpetrated against the Governor of Ondo State in his piece of last week. 

Femi Segun.

On Sat, Feb 27, 2021 at 12:52 PM OLAYINKA AGBETUYI <yagbetuyi@hotmail.com> wrote:



Jibrin,

Well done for an excellent narrative on why we are here regarding the dire security situation which some un-inforned see only through ethnic hegemonic lens.  The persistent question is where do we go from here?

I repeat we need a new party of government in waiting for 2023 as the current dominant parties have collectively failed the nation.

They have mortgaged their country to the yanbanga and yankasai.

I have called on members if the Concerned Citizens of Nigerians to form the fulcrum of such change rather than they rely on salvation from a bankrupt political class.


OAA



Sent from my Galaxy



-------- Original message --------
From: Jibrin Ibrahim <jibrinibrahim891@gmail.com>
Date: 26/02/2021 14:33 (GMT+00:00)
To: 'chidi opara reports' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - KALASHNIKOV

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The Kalashnikov Challenge: Mass Kidnapping, Poverty Intensification and Self-Destruction

 

Jibrin Ibrahim, Deepening Democracy Column, Daily Trust, 26th February 2021

 

The mass circulation of small arms and light weapons among the civilian population has placed Nigeria on the path to self-destruction. When the minister of defence challenged Nigerians to defend themselves against bandits wielding sophisticated weapons, he was telling us the truth we know, that there is no State to defend us, we are on our own, so let's do what we can. Of course, what he said does not make sense coming from someone with responsibility to defend us. The reason we have the State and give it the monopoly of the legitimate use of violence was to provide for our collective security as if we all have our arms, we will turn against each other in a direct march to anarchy. That is why we the citizens, unlike the criminals, do not procure arms.

 

Today, we live in a society in which we are faced with the Kalashnikov Challenge characterized by the mass use of modern rifles by civil actors with criminal orientation. In the good old days of inter-tribal warfare, a week of combat between two communities might produce two or three casualties. The dane gun that was in use at that time had a quasi-democratic character. In one out of four times that the trigger is pulled, the gun explodes and the shooter is the victim. The Kalashnikov has changed all that. A young man with a single rifle could wipe out a whole village and start hate memories that the whole of previous history could never have imagined. We live in difficult times in which the destruction of community, society and ultimately the State has become too easy a pathway.

 

The Fulani pastoral community has endured the highest agency in this regard. Over a period of three decades of serious crisis of the pastoralist mode of production due to well documented causes - population growth and expansion of agriculture, climate change and dramatic decline of the availability of pasture as well as extortion by police and area courts amongst others, many within the community lost all or significant parts of their herd. It was in that context that cattle rustling, an age-old practice of pastoral communities used for forming herds and for getting cash and meat was revived. When procurement of the Kalashnikov rifles started in the late nineties and early 2000s, cattle rustling was transformed into a vicious criminal activity far beyond the quasi-cultural practice earlier observed by anthropologists. Low intensity conflicts were quickly transformed into commando like attacks with sophisticated weapons affecting both pastoralists and large-scale farmers. The result was that the scale of loss of both herds and human beings started to escalate and the victims were mainly Fulani pastoralists in the bush so the stories did not make it into the classic and social media. 

 

The second phase was also largely unnoticed. When security agencies initiated significant moves in the early 2000s to trace rustled cattle, the method of criminal activity changed and rather than rustle, family heads of cattle owning families were being kidnapped forcing the families themselves to sell their cattle, pay ransom and get their relations released. The forests straddling Zamfara, Kaduna and Katsina States became the ungoverned territories for these activities. Much of this was done without media attention. The third phase was extending these criminal activities to neighbouring Hausa communities who were also subjected to these criminal acts. Through the 2010s, criminal gangs composed mainly but not exclusively of Fulani youth and uniformed vigilante groups known locally as "yanbanga" set up by communities to provide security fought each other. The fight was uneven and Hausa farming communities were the main victims. Some Hausa leaders, starting from Zamfara State started providing heavy duty weapons to newly formed Hausa militia known as "yansakai" to strike back and revenge assaults became the order of the day. These developments hit the media creating shock when Middle Belt communities in Plateau, Nasarawa and Benue States also got affected by the spread of these criminal activities.

 

The dynamics of the conflict became national especially as access to pasture became dramatically reduced partly due to the effects of activities by some pastoralists but also some other actors. The Chad basin for dry season pastures was affected by the Boko Haram insurgency and insecurity so pastoralists avoided it. They also fled the Zamfara/Katsina wet season pastures as cattle rustling grew and pastoralists became frontline victims. The spreading out of violence from the Zamfara/Katsina vortex subsequently affected the Dandume/Birnin Gwari zone in southern Katsina and Kaduna States. The Boko Haram insurgency spread arms south to affect the Falgore/Ningi grazing areas between Kano and Bauchi States. As pastoralists were being blocked out of their traditional grazing reserves in the North West and North East due to growing insecurity, large numbers moved South.

 

As these movements intensified, the conditions under which they were operating also pushed the pastoralists into adopting pastoralist methods that increased, rather than decrease the potential for conflicts and discord. Traditionally, pastoralists engaged in open grazing disperse themselves so as not to overgraze areas and encroach on farms. With rising insecurity however, they started moving in large groups in smaller spaces as they get blocked out of their traditional grazing zones. This large-scale concentration of pastoralists in limited ranges allows them to protect themselves against attacks. The paradox is that the more concentrated they are, the more damage they do to crops, which in turn fuels more violent conflict. As they spread around the country and are being chased out of many States, the conflicts intensified. This conflict-generating trend that spread around Nigeria can only be reversed when security in rural Nigeria begins to improve.

 

We are now entering a new phase in which drivers of conflicts are being multiplied. Rural banditry and mass kidnapping are sapping rural communities of their resources and savings. Families are being forced to pay millions of Naira in ransom, which they do not have. Ta pay, they have to tax themselves, sell their animals and farms to secure the release of their relations. There is a deep process of pauperization that is ongoing in rural Nigeria today. The youth of the affected communities therefore have nothing to lose but their poverty. The pathway to success that has destroyed their family resources is the Kalashnikov so they will also seek it and arms will spread and violence will grow. It is a pathway to self-destruction. The war between the Fulani and the Hausa is enroute. At the national level, the coming war is read with a different lens, the Hausa-Fulani Muslims are seen as a united group against the Christian Southerners and Middle Belters. The risk at that level is national cohesion and the survival of the country.

 

Nigeria's ruling class know the trajectory we are on but they are too irresponsible to care. Of course, they care for themselves and are busy buying houses in Dubai, United Kingdom, Ghana and other places to bolt out when the times come – just they and their nuclear families while their relations and former compatriots fight it out. That is why they are not really making any effort to rebuild the State and create conditions for rebuilding legitimacy and State capacity to provide for the security and welfare of all citizens. Wherever they go would be a temporary abode, their destination is hell. For the rest of us who are going nowhere, our future is in our hands, do we allow the criminal elements to destroy us or do we make efforts to rebuild a political community that would serve the interests of all Nigerians?   

 

 

 

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

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