Wednesday, September 14, 2022

Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote

​Chidi, 
I am not a professional word-twister like the usual Nigerian lawyers who contrary to mathematical truth would insist that two-third of nineteen is twelve. War is cruel and that is why in war innocent civilians always perish. Nigeria-Biafra war could not have been different from that phenomenon even though more people died on the side of Biafra than Nigeria. Concerning Nigeria/Biafra war, it would have been intellectually honest if you have elaborated on what constituted half-truths and out of context postulations in my submission as you claimed. You will always have problem if you read the history of Nigeria/Biafra war the way you want it to be and not as it actually happened. If I may ask, on what basis are you talking of 'the blockade of foods and medications supply routes to Biafra by the Gowon administration?' What happened was not a military blockade but military encirclement of Biafra, reduced into a small enclave after the Nigerian forces had captured Nsukka - July 1967; Bonny Island - July 1967; Ikom a key town on Biafra's border with Cameroon - September 1967; Enugu - October 1967; Calabar - October 1967; Afikpo, Ugep, Ediba, Itigidi and Obubra - February 1968; Ikot Ekpene - March 1968; Port Harcourt - May 1968; Aba and Owerri - September 1968. In every town and village captured by the Federal forces, Ojukwu saw to it that civilians were forcibly evacuated with the retreating Biafran forces. As at September 1968, only Umuahia was controlled by Biafran forces and it was that September 1968 when starvation broke out in the Umuahia enclave that Ojukwu dispatched a Biafran delegate to France to solicit for more weapons to continue the war. On 7 September 1968, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr Michael Okpara, Dr Kenneth Dike and Francis Nwokedi leading Biafran weapon negotiators arrived in Paris. With the military situation in Biafra, France thought it was useless to increase delivery of arms to Biafra. Consequently, Azikiwe advised that Biafra should enter into peace negotiation with Nigeria, which Ojukwu rejected. Thereafter, Azikiwe absconded from the delegate and sought political asylum in England. That same September 1968, Gowon's government offered to open supervised land routes of relief supplies to Biafra which Ojukwu rejected, according to Chinua Achebe. While you in 2022 is inventing a history of genocide supposedly committed by Nigeria against the Igbo in the 6th July 1967 to 15th January 1970 civil war, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Biafran leader, addressed the Eastern Consultative Assembly in December 1968 saying that, "OUR REAL VICTORY LIES IN OUR ABILITY TO PREVENT THE EXTERMINATION OF OUR PEOPLE BY A HEARTLESS ENEMY. IN SO FAR AS THESE AIMS ARE CONCERNED, WE HAVE NOT FAILED (Biafra: Ojukwu's Selected Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 353)." Ojukwu prevented genocide by going to war, he claimed. Please Chidi, take note that fact is sacrosanct while fiction is a practical joke.
S. Kadiri 


From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM, CDOA <chidi.opara@gmail.com>
Sent: 14 September 2022 06:34
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote
 
Salimonu,

I, of course expected your usual inclination to denialism in the matter under reference and your usual presentation of half truths and out of context postulations as "facts".

This is not about sophistry and/or rhetorics, it is about civilian lives(flesh and blood), especially that of children and the elderly lost in great numbers as a result of the blockade of foods and medications supply routes to Biafra by the Gowon administration with the support of Queen Elizabeth II's government and the inappropriate actions of the reckless and ruthless Nigerian Airforce pilots and army commanders.

-CAO.

On Tuesday, September 13, 2022, Salimonu Kadiri <ogunlakaiye@hotmail.com> wrote:
​It is too early to revise the history of Nigerian civil war. It is a pure revisionism of history to state, "The Aburi agreement by Ojukwu and Gowon would have stopped the civil war through which the genocide was executed but Britain prevailed on Gowon to renege." The Aburi agreement was not between Ojukwu and Gowon. The Aburi Nigeria's Supreme Military Council meeting held in Ghana on January 4-5, 1967, was attended by the following people : Lt-Col. Yakubu Gowon, Colonel Robert Adebayo, Lt-Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu, Lt-Col. David Ejoor, Lt-Col. Hassan Katsina; Commodore J.E.A. Wey, Major Mobolaji Johnson, Alhaji Kam Salem, and Mr. T. Omo-Bare. Secretaries at the meeting were, Mr S.I.A Akenzua - Permanent Under-Secretary, Federal Cabinet Office; Mr P.T. Odumosu - Secretary to the Military Government, Western Region; Mr N.U. Akpan - Secretary to the Military Government, Eastern Region; Mr D.P. Lawani - Under Secretary, Military Governor's Office, Mid-West Region; and Alhaji Ali Akilu - Secretary to the Military Government, Northern Region. The Nigerian Supreme Military Council meeting in Aburi was necessitated because Ojukwu as a member refused to attend any such meeting in Nigeria after July 29, 1966 coup that toppled the military government of Ironsi. 

Contrary to Chidi Anthony Opara's claim, the Aburi agreement was fully implemented through Decree No.8 of March 1967 with an addition that the Federal Military Government could declare a State of Emergency in any part of the Federation provided three of the four regional governors consented to it. Three of the regional governors then, were in the South. Ojukwu rejected Decree No.8 in its entirety and on May 26, 1967, he convened his so-called Eastern Consultative Assembly which he addressed and gave three alternatives to choose from. The alternatives were: (i) accepting the terms of the North and Gowon and thereby submit to domination by the North, or (ii) continue the present stalemate and drift, or (iii) ensuring the survival of our people by asserting our autonomy. Ojukwu assured his audience that the East was prepared to defend itself and that, "There is no power in this country or in Black Africa to subdue us by force." On 27 May 1967, the Eastern Consultative Assembly unanimously passed a resolution mandating Ojukwu to declare the sovereign Republic of Biafra. That same day, Gowon declared a State of Emergency throughout the whole country, abrogated Decree No. 8 and divided the country into twelve new states. May 30, 1967, Ojukwu unilaterally declared the Eastern Region as a Republic of Biafra. On 6 July 1967, police action to arrest Ojukwu and his rebellious gang was initiated by the federal government led by Gowon.

Chidi Anthony Opara asserted, "Genocide was however conceived and executed when it became difficult to defeat Biafra through police action as initially hoped by Gowon and his advisers." 
Chidi's assertion is fictional. It was after the invasion of Mid-West by the Biafran Forces on 9 August 1967 that the Federal Government changed its police action to total war. Towards the end of September 1967, the entire Biafran troops had been expunged from the Mid-West and on October 4, 1967, the Capital of Biafra was captured by troops led by, the then, Major Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma. Ojukwu fled to Umuahia. With the capture of Enugu, the Federal Government had hoped that Ojukwu would renounce secession but he stubbornly continued the war from his new capital Umuahia which was captured on 22 April 1969. So, the proclamation of total war instead of the original police action by the Federal Government had nothing to do with conceived genocide and difficulty to defeat Biafra but invasion of the Mid-West in 1967.

"Aside from the deliberate bombing of hospitals, schools, markets and residential areas," Chidi wrote, "genocide denialists do not see the blockade of food and medical supply routes to the Biafra Area by the Gowon administration..." In the anal of history of war, Nigeria is the only country in the world that has ever invited International Observers to follow her soldiers at the war front and to report on the behaviour of her combatants. A government that wanted to commit genocide would not have invited international observers to come and witness it. After visiting Nigeria on August 17, 1969, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe returned to London where he had taken refuge after absconding from the Biafran delegation to Paris in September 1968. On 28 August 1969, Dr Azikiwe addressed the press and said among other things, "Knowing that the accusation of genocide is palpably false, ........ why should some people continue to fool our people to believe that they are slated for slaughter, when we know that they suffer mental anguish and physical agony as a result of their being homeless and their places of abode having been desolated by war and their lives rendered helpless? (p. 255, Nigeria and Biafra: My Story by Philip Effiong)." Ojukwu himself that led Igbo into the war was asked by Barnaby Phillips in a BBC interview, 13 January 2000, titled, 'Biafra: Thirty Years On', if he, Ojukwu, felt responsible for the Biafran war?  Ojukwu answered rhetorically, "Responsibility for what went on? How can I feel responsible in a situation in which I put myself out AND SAVED THE PEOPLE FROM GENOCIDE? http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/596712.stm   
​Ojukwu said he saved the Igbo from genocide by going to war and Chidi is still claiming in 2022 that genocide was committed against the Igbo in the same war between 1967 and 1970 in Nigeria, who should we believe? The music of Nigeria/Biafra war stopped on 15 January 1970, but some deaf Nigerians not hearing that the war music has stopped are still dancing.

In his swansong, 'There Was a Country,' Chinua Achebe wrote that by rainy season of 1968, Biafra was completely surrounded and Biafrans were harboured in a narrow corridor around Umuahia (p. 209). By the beginning of dry season of 1968, Biafran civilians and soldiers alike were starving, Chinua Achebe wrote on p. 210. Thereafter, on p. 211, Chinua Achebe revealed, "The diplomatic battles had reached a fever pitch by the middle of 1968. Gowon, under immense international pressure .... decided to open up land routes for a supervised transport of relief. To the consternation of Gowon, Ojukwu opted out of land routes in favour of increased airlifts of food from São Tomé by international relief agencies." The international relief agencies could equally inspect food supplies from Nigeria through many of the land routes entering the surrounded Biafran enclave. It was plain that Ojukwu wanted to airlift weapons, out of the sight of Nigerian authorities, and not food into Biafra. That there was no scarcity of food in Biafra, Ojukwu in his 1st of June 1969 Ahiara Declaration complained that while the war was ongoing, people were throwing parties and slaughtering cows to Christen their new born babies. Obviously, in the Igbo cast system, Diala Igbo inside Biafra were not starving but the inferior Osu/Ohu-Igbo and non-Igbo ethnic minorities forcibly evacuated into Biafra.

Chidi Anthony Okpara claimed that the Nigerian forces bombed hospitals, schools, markets and civilian residential areas deliberately during the civil war but he failed to acknowledge that the Biafran forces converted hospitals, schools, markets and residential areas to military barracks from where they were firing rockets at the Nigerian forces. Against the rule of engagement, armed Biafran soldiers wore red-cross uniform to attack Nigerian forces, to which Benjamin Adekunle protested in 1968. Chinua Achebe narrated his personal experience about the Biafran forces taking shield behind civilian homes and public institutions to attack the Nigerian Army. On p. 172-173 of his, There Was a Country, Achebe wrote, "We had gone to bed on one particular night - my family, Augustine and his family, and Frank and his family. WE DID NOT REALISE THAT BIAFRAN SOLDIERS HAD SET UP THEIR ARMORY OUTSIDE MY FATHER'S HOUSE, ON THE VERANDA, THE PORCH, AND OUTSIDE IN THE YARD. .... On this particular night we were oblivious to what was going on outside our father's house. While we were sleeping the Biafran army was turning our ancestral home into a military base of sorts. No one asked us for permission. They did not knock to ask or to inform. In hindsight, what happened next was enough to have caused sudden cardiac arrest in some people. We all were awakened violently from sleep by a loud ka-boom, followed by the rattling of the house foundation and walls, indeed of the entire house. A number of people who were asleep fell off their beds, violently ushered back into reality by the vibrations, the shock, and the noise of the artillery fire outside. The men in the house went outside to find out what was going on. A COLONEL WHO WAS IN CHARGE OF THIS EXERCISE EXPLAINED THAT THEY HAD DECIDED TO USE OUR HOME AS A TACTICAL BASE BECAUSE IT PROVIDED THEM A LOGISTICAL AND STRATEGIC ADVANTAGE AS THEY SHELL THE ENCROACHING FEDERAL TROOPS." Would the Nigerian Army have committed any crime by bombing Achebe's ancestral home from where Biafran forces was shelling Nigerian forces? That is the question those who have capacity to tell lies with cosmetic beauty will never ask and much less answering it.
S. Kadiri  



From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Oluwatoyin Adepoju <ovdepoju@gmail.com>
Sent: 12 September 2022 09:48
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Today's Quote
 
Thanks Chidi.

I would like to understand the situation better.

Thanks

Toyin


On Mon, Sep 12, 2022, 04:31 Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM, CDOA <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:
Oluwatoyin,

Aside from the deliberate bombing of hospitals, schools, markets and civilian residential areas in Biafra by the then ruthless Nigerian Airforce pilots and the massacre of defenceless civilian populations by the then Nigerian blood thirsty military commanders like Murtala Mohammed and Benjamin Adekunle, alias scorpion, you and other Biafra Genocide denialists obviously do not see the blockade of food and medical supply routes to the Biafra area by the Gowon administration with the support of Her Majesty's government, which resulted into diseases caused by malnutrition and lack of preventive medications and which resulted into the death of children and the elderly in great numbers in the Biafra area as genocide.

This is very surprising.

-CAO.

On Sunday, September 11, 2022, Oluwatoyin Adepoju <ovdepoju@gmail.com> wrote:
Thanks Chidi.

Your structuring of the war makes me wonder.

"Police action" was the initial effort by fed govt to subdue the secession, a move that did not work.

From my admittedly imprecise memory of the course of the war, the next major initiative came from Biafra- the Midwest invasion and the effort to "liberate the West" as the ultimately unfortunate Banjo is referrenced as describing the Biafra plan, a plan foiled by the Battle of Ore.

So, the claim that genocide became the instrument of war of fed govt after the failure of the police action puzzles me, since I understand the major military initiative after the failure of the police action was carried out by Biafra.

Even after the fed troops took the war to the SE, at what stage did they begin to engage in war crimes, such as bombing civilian locations and the Asaba massacre?

Apologies to the dead and all victims of that war for this style of approaching the subject.

I'm wary of a flat description of that war as an anti-Igbo genocide even though the scale of Igbo civilian suffering and deaths was particularly horrible.

I see with you on the creation of a class system of a sort in the organization of Nigeria. 

Thanks

Toyin 

On Sun, Sep 11, 2022, 14:11 Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM, CDOA <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:
"The claim that the war was genocidal, conceived or executed to wipe out or generally decimate Igbo people is also not sustainable"-Oluwatoyin Adepoju.

The civil war unfortunately became genocidal but was not conceived as such to decimate the Igbo and/or any of the people of the then Eastern Nigeria.

It was an attempt to sustain the new vision of  "one Nigeria" in which some would be first class and some would be second class citizens.

Genocide was however conceived and executed when it became difficult to defeat Biafra through Police action as initially hoped by Gowon and his advisers.

The Igbos happened to be the majority and most active in that war and so, the most affected by the genocide.

-CAO.

On Sunday, September 11, 2022, Oluwatoyin Adepoju <ovdepoju@gmail.com> wrote:
Oga Chidi,

In conflict, the temptation exists to fix complex realities in terms of simplistic perspectives.

First of all, the claim that it was Britain that prevailed on Gowon to change his stance on the Aburi agreement is debatable. Another argument goes that he was persuaded by fellow Nigerians.

One of the problems of accountability in connection with that war is repeated refusal to accept responsibilities by some self chosen spokespeople of the Biafran side and their recurrent insistence on a self serving ideologicalization of that war.

You are referencing a pivotal moment that could not have led to war but chose to ignore others.

1. Did Ojukwu have to continue on his secession mission even though he was not satisfied with the powers the fed govt wanted to assume over the SE?

Was the war and its outcome not worse than the probable outcome of the fed govt initiatives before Ojukwu's  secession declaration?

Why did he insist on an action of that magnitude even though he was aware of the military and logistical inadequacies of his forces?

2. Why did Biafra invade the Midwest, brutalising, killing and raping people there, and possibly provoking the West into the war through their  plans for that region as they advanced towards Lagos, if his only goal was to protect his people on account of the largely anti-Igbo massacres in the North on account of which they had fled to the East?

If Biafran command  was of the view that the Midwest offensive and the push into the West  was vital in penetrating and dividing the federal side, should they not bear responsibility for the escalation of the war through the failure of that plan?

3. Even after the defeat of Biafran forces at Ore, putting paid to the Biafran advance in the West, leading to Banjo and the Biafran forces he led fleeing to the East, why did Ojukwu continue with the war since clearly the region he controlled was now reduced to a defensive position, which steadily shrank as federal forces crossed into his territory and the war began in earnest?

What was gained and what was lost by Biafran surrender in 1970 rather than at any other time in the war, particularly in its opening stages?

 Why did Ojukwu insist on continuing with the war even after Biafra had suffered terrible setbacks, such as the fall of Port Harcourt, blocking Biafran access to the sea,  and the civilians entered increasingly  desperate conditions?

I am not critiquing the manner in which Biafra conducted the war. I'm only arguing that its ahistorical to refuse to recognise Biafran responsibility for the war and project a gallant fight by Biafra as if they were simply victims.

Your approach suggests refusing to acknowledge that they fought a war in which they were also aggressors. 

The Genocide Question

Nigeria engaged in a high level of war crimes in that war, such as the bombing and execution of civilians. 

Biafra did something similar, but not in the same magnitude, such as the bombing of Lagos, the killing and raping of civilians in the Midwest and the brutalisation of minorities in what is now the SE and SS.  These people keep recalling those horrors but don't emphasise them. Those developments  are related to problematic relations between Igbos and other ethnicities at the present time in those regions.

The blocking of flow of food to the Biafran region, contributing to the high civilian death toll, is ethically problematic.

Its also true, however, that the Biafran elite cornered a significant  amount of the resources of the nation for themselves, reinforcing  Awolowo's claim that he advised that blockade because the food was being cornered by privileged people. Achebe depicts this heart-rending corruption in Biafra in Girls at War. Achebe was in the heart of Biafra and can't be described as a traitor to Biafra.

Why did Ojukwu use food relief transport in ferrying arms?

This narrative of genocide, of destruction in which the victim victimised no one and existed purely as the passive recipient of the inhumanity of others has no relationship to the reality of that war. The claim that the war was genocidal, conceived or executed to wipe out or generally decimate Igbo people is also not sustainable.

thanks

toyin





On Sat, 10 Sept 2022 at 22:27, Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM, CDOA <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:
Oluwatoyin,

Truth is always problematic to those who don't want it said for whatever reasons.

The Aburi agreement by Ojukwu and Gowon would have stopped the civil war through which the genocide was executed but Britain prevailed on Gowon to renege. 

That action of Gowon on the advice of Her Majesty's government led to the renewed offensive and the consequent genocide.

-CAO.

On Saturday, September 10, 2022, Oluwatoyin Adepoju <ovdepoju@gmail.com> wrote:
The description of the Nigerian Civil War as genocide against Biafra is problematic.

I wonder how the war was engineered by Britain.

Thanks

Toyin


On Sat, Sep 10, 2022, 11:00 Chidi Anthony Opara, FIIM, CDOA <chidi.opara@gmail.com> wrote:
The Professor wasn't talking about Colonialism. She was talking about the Biafra Genocide engineered by Her Majesty's government of Britain from 1967 to 1970 and executed by the Nigerian military government of Yakubu Gowon.

-Chidi Anthony Opara (CAO)


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