USA Africa Dialogue Series - Sharpeville, 1960: The Echo That Refused Silence, Part 2

Sharpeville, 1960: The Echo That Refused Silence, Part 2
https://toyinfalolanetwork.org/sharpeville-1960-the-echo-that-refused-silence-part-2/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Iran Converts Strait of Hormuz to Business Opportunity, Reportedly Charges $2M Per Tanker to Cross

Iran Converts Strait of Hormuz to Business Opportunity, Reportedly Charges $2M Per Tanker to Cross

https://thisdawn.com/iran-converts-strait-of-hormuz-to-business-reportedly-charges-2m-per-tanker-to-cross/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - A Modern Day Siege: Cuba, the Caribbean, and the Architecture of Coercion

A Modern Day Siege: Cuba, the Caribbean, and the Architecture of Coercion

https://thisdawn.com/a-modern-day-siege-cuba-the-caribbean-architecture-of-coercion/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Politics of sovereignty: Nigeria - UK returns deal and test of state capacity

Politics of sovereignty: Nigeria - UK returns deal and test of state capacity

Nigeria's migration arrangement with the United Kingdom raises deeper questions than deportation. At stake are constitutional authority, international legal obligations, and the geo-economic realities shaping mobility.

By John Onyeukwu| Policy & Reform Column, Business a.m.| Monday March 23, 2026| Pullout attached

The recent announcement by Nigeria's Federal Ministry of Interior on a new migration arrangement with the United Kingdom has triggered a wave of public anxiety anchored in a deceptively simple question: has Nigeria ceded a portion of its sovereign authority to determine who its citizens are?

This question goes to the heart of statehood. Citizenship is not merely an administrative classification; it is, as Hannah Arendt famously framed it, "the right to have rights." The authority to define who belongs, and by implication, who can be returned, is one of the most fundamental expressions of sovereignty. Under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, citizenship is clearly defined and constitutionally protected, and no bilateral arrangement can legally displace this authority. Yet, in contemporary international relations, sovereignty is rarely diminished through explicit legal surrender; it is more often recalibrated through practice, through administrative processes, institutional capacity, and the pressures of diplomacy.

The Nigeria–UK returns arrangement must therefore be read not only as a legal instrument, but as a product of intersecting legal obligations, political incentives, and structural asymmetries. On its face, the agreement reflects the familiar architecture of modern migration governance: assurances of dignity, provisions for case-by-case identity verification, and safeguards for vulnerable persons, and commitments to reintegration. These elements align with Nigeria's obligations under international human rights law, particularly the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which affirms in Article 15 that everyone has the right to a nationality and should not be arbitrarily deprived of it. They also resonate with broader treaty obligations, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which protects against arbitrary interference with identity and ensures due process in decisions affecting fundamental rights.

However, international law does not merely affirm rights; it also structures state responsibilities. One of its less discussed but deeply consequential principles is the obligation of states to readmit their own nationals. While not always codified in a single treaty provision, this obligation is widely recognized in customary international law and reflected in state practice. It is implicit in the functioning of the international system: without it, deportation regimes would collapse, and the allocation of responsibility among states would become untenable. In this sense, Nigeria's engagement in a returns arrangement is not extraordinary; it is part of a broader international legal order in which states balance the right to exclude non-nationals with the duty to receive their citizens.

Yet, international law also imposes limits. The principle of non-refoulement, embedded in instruments such as the 1951 Refugee Convention and reinforced through human rights jurisprudence, prohibits the return of individuals to territories where they face persecution, torture, or inhuman treatment. Similarly, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons requires states to identify and protect victims of trafficking, ensuring that returns do not expose them to further harm. These obligations mean that any returns framework must be more than administratively efficient; it must be substantively just, procedurally fair, and attentive to vulnerability.

It is within this layered legal environment that the diplomatic character of the agreement becomes visible. The language of dignity, safeguards, and cooperation is not accidental; it reflects what might be described as the normative grammar of migration diplomacy. As Kofi Annan observed, "human rights are not a privilege conferred by governments; they are every human being's entitlement."

From the perspective of the United Kingdom, migration control has become a central axis of domestic politics. The aftershocks of Brexit have heightened public expectations around border sovereignty and the enforcement of immigration rules. Returns agreements, in this context, are not merely technical instruments; they are political tools that demonstrate state capacity. Efficiency in deportation is framed as evidence of control, and cooperation with countries of origin becomes a critical component of that narrative.

For Nigeria, the calculus is more complex and extends beyond migration management. The UK is a key partner in trade, finance, education, and security. The Nigerian diaspora constitutes a significant geo-economic asset, contributing substantial remittances and forming a bridge between both economies. Migration cooperation is therefore embedded within a wider matrix of diplomatic and economic relations. As Albert O. Hirschman argued, asymmetrical interdependence can generate subtle forms of influence, where the ability to grant or restrict access, whether to markets, mobility, or financial systems, creates leverage. In this light, returns agreements can be understood as part of a broader negotiation over access and reciprocity.

This brings into focus the question of power. While international law is formally based on sovereign equality, the realities of global politics are shaped by material asymmetries. The United Kingdom occupies a position of structural advantage in areas that matter to Nigeria, including visa regimes, financial infrastructure, and global regulatory influence. These asymmetries do not negate Nigeria's sovereignty, but they condition how it is exercised. As Robert Keohane has noted, cooperation often occurs "under conditions of asymmetric interdependence," where weaker states retain formal autonomy but operate within constrained strategic environments.

It is within this context that public concerns about documentation and identity verification emerge. The Ministry emphasizes "secured travel documentation" and "case-by-case verification," but the underlying question is whether, in practice, UK-generated documentation could acquire a level of evidentiary weight that subtly shifts the balance of determination. No bilateral agreement can override Nigeria's constitutional authority to confirm nationality. However, administrative processes, especially when designed for efficiency, can evolve in ways that privilege speed over scrutiny. In such cases, sovereignty is not formally ceded; it is functionally recalibrated.

The decisive factor in this regard is institutional capacity. Sovereignty, in its practical sense, is exercised through institutions. Robust identity systems, reliable biometric databases, effective inter-agency coordination, and transparent verification procedures are essential to ensuring that nationality determinations are accurate and defensible. Where such systems are strong, cooperation need not compromise autonomy. Where they are weak or uneven, the risk is not legal dispossession but administrative dilution. Verification may become expedited rather than rigorous, and oversight mechanisms may struggle to keep pace with operational demands. This reflects a broader insight captured by Francis Fukuyama, who distinguishes between the scope of the state and the strength of the state: possessing authority is not the same as effectively exercising it.

The human dimension of returns further complicates the picture. International law requires that deportation processes respect dignity, ensure due process, and protect vulnerable individuals. The identification of trafficking victims, in particular, is not a procedural detail but a legal obligation. Failure to operationalize these safeguards can expose states to international criticism and, more importantly, to moral failure. Reintegration is equally critical. Deportation without reintegration support risks creating cycles of irregular migration, as returnees face the same structural conditions that prompted their departure. In this sense, the sustainability of returns is as much a development question as it is a legal or diplomatic one.

The provision that returnees may re-enter the United Kingdom if they meet applicable immigration requirements introduces a further geo-economic layer. Global migration regimes are structured systems that allocate mobility unevenly. As Dani Rodrik has observed, the rules of globalization tend to favour capital over labour, facilitating the movement of goods and finance while tightly regulating the movement of people. For countries like Nigeria, the strategic challenge is not only to manage returns but to expand pathways for lawful mobility, skills exchange, and diaspora engagement. Without such balance, returns arrangements risk reinforcing a one-sided mobility regime in which exit is constrained and re-entry is conditional.

Against this backdrop, it is important to resist both extremes of public discourse. The claim that Nigeria has lost its sovereignty is an overstatement; the constitutional and legal foundations of citizenship remain intact. At the same time, dismissing public concerns as mere misunderstanding overlooks the more subtle ways in which sovereignty can be affected in practice. The issue is not the existence of sovereignty, but the quality of its exercise.

Transparency is therefore essential. For a matter as sensitive as citizenship, opacity invites suspicion and erodes trust. Detailed protocols on identity verification, clear delineation of institutional roles, and accessible mechanisms for dispute resolution would go a long way in strengthening public confidence. Independent oversight, including engagement with civil society and professional bodies, could further enhance accountability.

More fundamentally, the episode points to the need for a coherent national migration strategy. Reactive, ad hoc arrangements are insufficient in a world where migration is increasingly central to economic and political life. Nigeria requires an integrated framework that connects border management, labour mobility, diaspora policy, and human rights. Such a framework would enable the country to engage international partners from a position of clarity and strategic intent, rather than as a respondent to external pressures.

In the final analysis, sovereignty in the twenty-first century is not a static possession but a continuous practice. It is exercised not only through legal authority but through institutional competence, diplomatic strategy, and policy coherence. As Henry Kissinger once remarked, a nation's survival depends on its ability to balance commitments and capabilities. In the realm of migration governance, this balance is particularly delicate.

The Nigeria–UK returns arrangement sits at the intersection of law, diplomacy, and political economy. It reflects the realities of interdependence, the constraints of asymmetry, and the enduring importance of institutional strength. The challenge for Nigeria is not to retreat from cooperation, but to shape it, ensuring that engagement is grounded in transparency, guided by national interest, and anchored in the effective exercise of sovereignty.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - What we need to know about Iran now

Conveying what's happening in Iran from the ground level,half of it covering an account of how the US-Iranian relationship got to this point.

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UIZrnBY2wWc

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Winning Battles, Losing the War: Nigeria’s Security Without Strategy

https://paradigmnews.info/winning-battles-losing-the-war-nigerias-security-without-strategy-by-john-onyeukwu/ 

 Winning Battles, Losing the War: Nigeria's Security Without Strategy By John Onyeukwu

The latest bombings in Maiduguri are not just another tragic security incident; they are evidence of a deeper policy breakdown in Nigeria's approach to war. Over 20 lives lost and more than 100 injured, in a city that had only just begun to breathe again; is not merely a failure of vigilance. It is a failure of strategy.

Within days, the Nigerian Armed Forces announced the killing of scores of insurgents in a counteroffensive. As always, the response was swift, forceful, and operationally effective. But as always, it raises the same uncomfortable question: if Nigeria is winning battles, why does the war persist?

After more than a decade of sustained military operations and enormous public expenditure on security, the resilience and adaptability of insurgent groups such as Boko Haram and its variants suggest that the problem is no longer primarily tactical. It is conceptual. Nigeria is not losing for lack of effort. It is struggling for lack of a coherent strategy.

At the heart of the crisis lies a fundamental misdiagnosis: insurgency is being treated as a series of violent events rather than as a system.

Each attack triggers a response. Each response produces casualties. Each casualty count is presented as progress. Yet the underlying conditions; weak governance, local insecurity economies, ideological adaptation, and institutional fragmentation, remain largely intact.

Wars are not won by body counts. They are won by outcomes. And outcomes, in modern conflicts, are determined less by firepower than by whether the state can alter the system that sustains violence.

Nigeria today confronts not just insurgency, but what can only be described as an economy of violence, a system in which insecurity has become monetised, negotiated, and, at times, inadvertently sustained by the very structures meant to eliminate it.

Nowhere is this contradiction more evident than in the fragmented approach to dealing with armed groups across the federation. In several states, there have been persistent reports, sometimes openly acknowledged, of subnational authorities entering into arrangements with bandits, including financial inducements, in exchange for temporary peace or the release of abducted citizens. At the same time, the Federal Government of Nigeria maintains that paying ransom or negotiating with such groups is against official policy.

Yet, this policy appears neither uniformly enforced nor institutionally resolved. No clear sanctions. No coherent federal response. No legal clarity on the consequences of deviation.

The result is not merely inconsistency; it is the emergence of what can only be described as dual security doctrines within a single sovereign state. One doctrine fights insurgency. The other, however unintentionally, sustains its incentives. This contradiction has profound consequences.

Armed groups are not irrational actors. They respond to incentives. When violence yields financial reward, through ransom, negotiated settlements, or informal payoffs, it ceases to be merely ideological or opportunistic. It becomes structured. Kidnapping evolves into enterprise.

Even more damaging is the widespread perception; whether fully substantiated or not, that ransom payments have, at times, been facilitated or tolerated at different levels of the system. The inability of federal authorities to decisively and transparently refute such allegations deepens a dangerous public belief: that the state, ultimately, pays.

A state that is perceived to negotiate under pressure invites more pressure. A system that appears to reward violence will inevitably reproduce it. This is why tactical success does not translate into strategic victory.

Military operations are designed to neutralise threats, disrupt networks, and reclaim territory. They are not designed to resolve the political, economic, and institutional conditions that give rise to those threats. That responsibility lies with the state as a whole.

Yet, what Nigeria currently exhibits is not a whole-of-state strategy, but a collection of parallel efforts, military action, fragmented negotiations, underdeveloped reintegration programmes, and weak local governance, operating without a unifying doctrine. What Nigeria confronts, therefore, is not merely insecurity, but a federal system without a unified security strategy.

Any credible national security doctrine must answer three fundamental questions: first, what incentives drive violence? Second, what institutions are capable of sustaining order? Third, what outcomes define victory? Nigeria has yet to provide clear, coherent answers to these questions.

Is victory the total defeat of insurgents? Their containment? Their reintegration? Or simply the reduction of attacks to manageable levels? Without clarity, the war, by default, becomes endless.

There is also a constitutional dimension that cannot be ignored. Under Section 14(2) (b) of the Constitution, the security and welfare of the people remain the primary purpose of government. This obligation extends beyond the deployment of force. It requires coherence, consistency, and credibility in policy.

Security cannot be built on contradiction. Where one part of the state prohibits ransom payments while another appears to enable them, the legitimacy of the entire system is weakened. Where policy is declared but not enforced, authority becomes negotiable. And once authority becomes negotiable, insecurity becomes structural.

A shift in approach is therefore imperative. Nigeria must begin by restoring policy coherence, resolving once and for all its ambiguity on engagement with armed groups. If negotiations or ransom payments are to remain prohibited, that position must be uniformly enforced across all levels of government, without exception or quiet deviation. If, however, engagement is to be part of the national toolkit, then it must be formalised within a clear legal and strategic framework, subject to oversight and aligned with long-term security objectives rather than short-term political expediency.

At the same time, the incentive structure that sustains violence must be deliberately dismantled. As long as armed actors continue to derive material or political benefit from insecurity, the cycle will endure. Violence must cease to be profitable; its costs must be made consistently higher than its rewards. This requires not only military pressure, but economic, legal, and institutional alignment to ensure that no part of the system inadvertently subsidises instability.

Equally critical is the rebuilding of local governance as a core element of national security. Many conflict-affected areas remain defined by weak or absent state presence, creating vacuums that non-state actors readily fill. In such contexts, insurgents do not merely attack; they administer, tax, and adjudicate. Restoring legitimate, functioning local authority is therefore not ancillary to security, it is central to it. Without governance, military gains remain temporary.

Credibility must also be re-established in the information domain. Allegations of ransom payments or state complicity cannot continue to be met with silence, ambiguity, or denial without evidence. In an environment already shaped by distrust, transparency becomes a strategic necessity. The state must communicate with clarity and consistency, because in security matters, perception often shapes reality as much as fact.

Beyond its domestic obligations, Nigeria must also recognise its place within broader international counterterrorism norms, which require not only the suppression of violent actors but also the prevention of conditions that enable their persistence. A state cannot claim strategic success if its policies, however unintentionally, sustain the very threats it seeks to eliminate.

The events in Maiduguri are therefore not isolated; they are symptomatic. They reveal a state that has developed significant tactical capacity, but has yet to align that capacity within a coherent and disciplined strategic framework. They expose the limits of force in the absence of policy clarity and highlight the dangers of contradiction within a system already under strain. They also serve as a warning that resilience on the battlefield cannot compensate for ambiguity at the level of governance.

The Nigerian Armed Forces continues to demonstrate courage and resilience in extraordinarily difficult conditions, often at great human cost. But no military, however professional or committed, can secure a state that remains strategically incoherent. Force, without alignment, dissipates. Sacrifice, without direction, is prolonged.

No nation defeats an insurgency it continues, in part, to finance, fragment, and misunderstand. Until Nigeria resolves this contradiction, not rhetorically, but structurally, it will continue to record tactical victories that fail to translate into lasting peace. It will continue to win battles in the field, yet lose ground in the deeper contest for stability, legitimacy, and control. And so, the paradox endures: a country at war, demonstrating strength, yet unable to bring that war to a decisive end.

John Onyeukwu is a lawyer, governance, and policy analyst with interdisciplinary expertise in law, governance, and institutional reform. He has led and supported development projects focused on improving public finance systems, enhancing civic engagement, strengthening service delivery, and advancing accountable governance. His work bridges legal insight and policy impact, with a commitment to driving institutional effectiveness and inclusive development.

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John Onyeukwu
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 http://about.me/onyeukwu
"Let us move forward to fight poverty, to establish equity, and assure peace for the next generation."
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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Thebe Ikalafeng becomes Chancellor of Sol Plaatje University, By Toyin Falola

Thebe Ikalafeng becomes Chancellor of Sol Plaatje University, By Toyin Falola
https://toyinfalolanetwork.org/thebe-ikalafeng-becomes-chancellor-of-sol-plaatje-uni/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Italy, Germany, and France to Secure Strait of Hormuz Passage Only After Ceasefire

https://militarnyi.com/en/news/italy-germany-and-france-to-secure-strait-of-hormuz-passage-only-after-ceasefire/ 

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - ‘I’ve learned first-hand how evil is tolerated’: Colm Tóibín on living in the US under Trump

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2026/mar/21/ive-learned-first-hand-how-evil-is-tolerated-colm-toibin-on-living-in-the-us-under-trump?CMP=share_btn_url

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - EUROPE SITTING ON THE EDGE!!! NATO, Europe Alarmed After Iran Fired Ballistic Missiles 3,800KM Away

EUROPE SITTING ON THE EDGE!!!

NATO, Europe Alarmed After Iran Fired Ballistic Missiles at Diego Garcia 3,800KM Away

https://thisdawn.com/nato-europe-alarmed-after-iran-fired-ballistic-missiles-at-diego-garcia-3800km-away/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - 22 Countries Across Europe, Asia, and America Suddenly Wake Up, Condemn Iran’s Grip on Strait of Hormuz

22 Countries Across Europe, Asia, and America Suddenly Wake Up, Condemn Iran's Grip on Strait of Hormuz After Ballistic Missile Strike at San Diego Nearly 4,000KM Away

https://thisdawn.com/22-nations-condemn-irans-grip-on-strait-of-hormuz-after-ballistic-missile-strike/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Ex-FBI Director—Mueller Who Investigated Trump & 2016 Russian Election Interference Is Dead

Ex-FBI Director—Mueller Who Investigated Trump & 2016 Russian Election Interference Is Dead; Trump Expresses Joy

https://thisdawn.com/breaking-ex-fbi-director-mueller-who-investigated-trump-2016-russian-election-interference-is-dead/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Civil Society Coalition Asks Revenue Agency to Enforce Criminal Charges, Financial Recovery Against Jimoh Ibrahim

Civil Society Coalition Asks Revenue Agency to Enforce Criminal Charges, Financial Recovery Against Jimoh Ibrahim Before He Departs as Tinubu's Permanent Representative to the United Nations (Part 2)

https://thisdawn.com/civil-society-coalition-asks-revenue-agency-to-enforce-criminal-charges-financial-recovery-against-jimoh-ibrahim-part-2/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - BREAKING: Ex-FBI Director—Mueller Who Investigated Trump & 2016 Russian Election Interference Is Dead; Trump Expresses Joy

BREAKING: Ex-FBI Director—Mueller Who Investigated Trump & 2016 Russian Election Interference Is Dead; Trump Expresses Joy

https://thisdawn.com/breaking-ex-fbi-director-mueller-who-investigated-trump-2016-russian-election-interference-is-dead/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - FACT CHECK: Morocco’s Captain— Achraf Hakimi Rejects AFCON Trophy Awarded to Morocco?

FACT CHECK: Morocco's Captain— Achraf Hakimi Rejects AFCON Trophy Awarded to Morocco?

https://thisdawn.com/fact-check-morocco-captain-hakimi-rejects-afcon-trophy-awarded-to-morocco/

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Iran Fires Ballistic Missiles at UK Base in Indian Ocean

Iran Fires Ballistic Missiles at UK Base in Indian Ocean Hours After UK Joined the War efforts

https://thisdawn.com/iran-fires-ballistic-missiles-at-uk-base-in-indian-ocean/

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fictional interview #7 Japan’s Takaichi meets Trump

Thanks for advancing Hallucinations! (BIG Time).

Oohay

On Saturday, March 21, 2026, 7:21 AM, 'Emeagwali, Gloria (History)' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> wrote:

Fictional Interview #7

 Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi  of Japan, meets the President of the United States(POTUS) in the Oval Office 

Gloria Emeagwali 

"Mr President, why  did you insult the Japanese prime minister," Gigi asked the  man with the orange hair.

"What do you mean? I told her the truth about  what Japan did at Pearl Harbor," snapped  Mr.Trump.

"But sir, this was a diplomatic encounter that needed diplomacy. You shouldn't throw Pearl Harbor  in the  face of the Japanese Prime Minister. After all, she didn't accuse you of war crimes at Hiroshima and Nagasaki?" scolded the  petulant reporter.

"There is no power in the world greater than the U.S and we can say whatever we want to little Japan, " boasted POTUS.

"Little Japan? Excuse me sir,  You owe Japan  $1.2 trillion dollars. Japan  is the largest foreign holder of US. debt right now," Gigi remarked, wondering whether the  graduate of the Wharton School of Business understood what she was talking about.

"They are lending you money by purchasing government debt via Treasury securities,"she explained.

"Don't you see what we did to the  Ayatollah? He is dead. We killed him," said the President, callously, while trying to change the subject. 

"Congratulations Mr Trump but the Iranians are holding you by the xxxxx

at the Strait of Hormuz.  You are running out of  interceptors while they have tons of drones and hypersonic missiles underground ," said Gigi.

"Well we would do to them what we did to Japan," boasted the President , who got a kick out of pain and suffering.

"They would all be dead in five minutes," he added, without blinking an eye.

"Are you going to nuke Russia, China and North Korea, too?"she asked, rhetorically. "I hope you are not

asking for the end of the world,"she muttered.

There was silence.

Gigi  checked her  phone, during the interval, and then smiled from ear to ear.

"Speaking about  Japan, Mr President, I just got breaking news," she yelled with excitement.

"Really!  Did Japan agree to send troops to the Strait of Hormuz?" 

"No. it's the opposite. Japan just decided to  double down on the purchase  of oil in Chinese currency. They are done with you and may soon sell off those treasury bills and the rest,"warned Gigi. 

She picked up her notebook and

made a bee line to the exit, wondering why POTUS was so inept and crude at diplomacy. She  admitted to herself, though, that psychoanalysis was not her strong point.

Dr. Gloria Emeagwali
Professor of History/African Studies, CCSU
Chief Editor- "Africa Update"
https://sites.ccsu.edu/afstudy/archive.html
Gloria Emeagwali's Documentaries
www.vimeo.com/gloriaemeagwali
www.africahistory.net
Founding Coordinator, African Studies, CCSU

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Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Boko Haram

Perhaps, the era of just binary logic or just EITHER/OR as THE way to engage 21stC geopolitical-economic realities

On Friday, March 20, 2026, 12:40 PM, Jibrin Ibrahim <jibrinibrahim891@gmail.com> wrote:

Boko Haram is Exhausting: Please Obliterate Them

Jibrin Ibrahim, Deepening Democracy Column, Daily Trust, 20th March 2026

I am tired of writing about Boko Haram. It is mentally exhausting to

be chronicling death, destruction and despair for over two decades.

The Boko Haram narrative started with its founding in 2002 (some say

earlier, others say later) in Maiduguri, Nigeria, by a cleric,

Mohammed Yusuf. Originally, the group appeared with a noble objective

to "purify" Islam and oppose Western culture, education and influence.

It started as a non-violent group focused on proselytization but then

started engaging in violent acts. The government of the day, led by

President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, was not ready to accept violent groups

and ordered that they be obliterated and they were wiped out.

Their leader, Mohammed Yusuf was martyred by the Nigerian Police after

the military had handed him over to them for prosecution and the story

of the insurgency started. A clear objective emerged after they

regrouped and returned to the terrain, the creation of an Islamic

state in Nigeria. Following the assassination of their founder in

2009, the group, under Abubakar Shekau, became increasingly violent,

adopting terrorist tactics, including suicide bombings, starting with

attacks in 2011, such as the Abuja police headquarters bombing. By

2014, they had declared an Islamic Caliphate, controlled about 17

local governments in Nigeria and had a headquarters. It became clear

they had to be destroyed, nay, annihilated and obliterated. The

exhausting struggle for annihilation continued under Yar'Adua,

Jonathan, Buhari and now Tinubu. No light at the end of the tunnel.

Last week, I mentioned in my column that Boko Haram had been attacking

military formations and gradually encircling Maiduguri. They responded

yes and sent three bomb blasts into the city on 16th March. At least

23 people were killed and over a hundred wounded. I guess it had

become such a routine type of mass killing that the President did not

even flinch and travelled on to London for his programmed State Visit

to the United Kingdom where he received a 42 rather than the normal 21

Gun Salute. Sign.

Meanwhile for Maiduguri, which had suffered the repeated tragedies of

bomb blasts spread over the past decade, fear was back in the streets

and on people's faces. The tragedy continues. The Maiduguri explosions

came barely 24 hours after terrorists attacked a military base in

Kofa, a community close to Ajilari on the outskirts of Maiduguri.

Before then, there had been attacks by terror groups across Borno

State, including assaults on rural military bases and resettled

communities like Ngoshe and Dalwa as reported by HumAngle. The

depressing stories are endless.

There is a standard response to such tragedies by the Nigerian

government. Enroute to the United Kingdom, the President ordered the

Service Chiefs to relocate to Maiduguri and resolve the security

crisis. In the past, they have been so ordered numerous times, they

had moved to the epi-centre of the security crisis and nothing had

been solved. I have never understood the significance of the movement.

For months, the terrorists have been attacking military bases in Borno

and Yobe States and my civilian thinking was that the military would

be so angry that they would hunt down all the terrorists and

obliterate them for daring to confront one of Africa's greatest

military. It did not happen.

Way back in 2014, the Nigerian government recruited foreign

mercenaries to combat and obliterate Boko Haram. I was very uneasy

about the significance of the policy shift. It meant that the

government itself no longer believed our armed forces were up to the

task. I wondered them whether terrorism will end in my lifetime.

Eventually the contract with the foreign military contractor was

cancelled and full confidence was reported in the armed forces. They

improved their work and all the local government areas taken over by

the terrorists were recaptured and it appeared light could be seen at

the end of the tunnel. Since then, Boko Haram fighters have spent a

lot of energy fighting and killing themselves. I thought that was a

great opportunity to move in for the kill. That did not happen. Boko

Haram now split into different organisations have been recovering and

fully returned to their battle against the Nigerian people and the

Nigerian State. Terrorism never really subsided, it simply stopped

capturing and keeping territory. It raided, looted, raped, killed,

taxed and moved on.

As a country, we have not really been able to directly pose the

existential question of why our armed forces have been unable to smash

and obliterate terrorism. The Nigerian army, it appears to me, has not

changed substantially from the one bequeathed by British colonialism.

It has clearly shown its limits in combating terrorists who are mobile

and manoeuvrable like the Boko Harams and the bandit terrorists. Our

intelligence services have grown and multiplied since the creation of

the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO) by Gen Obasanjo in 1976. It

was replaced by a multiplicity of organisations such as DSS, NIA and

DMI. We are however yet to see the type of efficiency displayed by the

Special Branch of the police in ancient times. But then, what do I

know, they may be doing excellent work but the intelligence they

gather may be set aside somewhere along the chain of command. As a

citizen, I would really like to know what the problem is.

Maybe the question to pose is that after two decades of terrorism, why

has Nigeria not publicly posed the question of what the problems of

combating terrorism are so that we can collectively search for an

alternative route to peace and security. My wish remains, obliterate

the terrorists so that we can move on.

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim

Senior Fellow

Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja

Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fictional interview #7 Japan’s Takaichi meets Trump

Fictional Interview #7

 Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi  of Japan, meets the President of the United States(POTUS) in the Oval Office 

Gloria Emeagwali 

"Mr President, why  did you insult the Japanese prime minister," Gigi asked the  man with the orange hair.

"What do you mean? I told her the truth about  what Japan did at Pearl Harbor," snapped  Mr.Trump.

"But sir, this was a diplomatic encounter that needed diplomacy. You shouldn't throw Pearl Harbor  in the  face of the Japanese Prime Minister. After all, she didn't accuse you of war crimes at Hiroshima and Nagasaki?" scolded the  petulant reporter.

"There is no power in the world greater than the U.S and we can say whatever we want to little Japan, " boasted POTUS.

"Little Japan? Excuse me sir,  You owe Japan  $1.2 trillion dollars. Japan  is the largest foreign holder of US. debt right now," Gigi remarked, wondering whether the  graduate of the Wharton School of Business understood what she was talking about.

"They are lending you money by purchasing government debt via Treasury securities,"she explained.

"Don't you see what we did to the  Ayatollah? He is dead. We killed him," said the President, callously, while trying to change the subject. 

"Congratulations Mr Trump but the Iranians are holding you by the xxxxx

at the Strait of Hormuz.  You are running out of  interceptors while they have tons of drones and hypersonic missiles underground ," said Gigi.

"Well we would do to them what we did to Japan," boasted the President , who got a kick out of pain and suffering.

"They would all be dead in five minutes," he added, without blinking an eye.

"Are you going to nuke Russia, China and North Korea, too?"she asked, rhetorically. "I hope you are not

asking for the end of the world,"she muttered.

There was silence.

Gigi  checked her  phone, during the interval, and then smiled from ear to ear.

"Speaking about  Japan, Mr President, I just got breaking news," she yelled with excitement.

"Really!  Did Japan agree to send troops to the Strait of Hormuz?" 

"No. it's the opposite. Japan just decided to  double down on the purchase  of oil in Chinese currency. They are done with you and may soon sell off those treasury bills and the rest,"warned Gigi. 

She picked up her notebook and

made a bee line to the exit, wondering why POTUS was so inept and crude at diplomacy. She  admitted to herself, though, that psychoanalysis was not her strong point.

Dr. Gloria Emeagwali
Professor of History/African Studies, CCSU
Chief Editor- "Africa Update"
https://sites.ccsu.edu/afstudy/archive.html
Gloria Emeagwali's Documentaries
www.vimeo.com/gloriaemeagwali
www.africahistory.net
Founding Coordinator, African Studies, CCSU