Actually, the Tigray elite constituted the dominant power in the EPRDF, the umbrella
political party, even though they were 6 percent of the population. It is amazing that they were able to hold sway between 1991 and 2019, before Abiy dissolved the unit.
Checks and balances would have to be worked out to avoid domination by one group.
Professor Gloria Emeagwali
Prof. of History/African Studies, CCSU
africahistory.net; vimeo.com/ gloriaemeagwali
Recipient of the 2014 Distinguished Research
Excellence Award, Univ. of Texas at Austin;
2019 Distinguished Africanist Award
New York African Studies Association
Prof. of History/African Studies, CCSU
africahistory.net; vimeo.com/ gloriaemeagwali
Recipient of the 2014 Distinguished Research
Excellence Award, Univ. of Texas at Austin;
2019 Distinguished Africanist Award
New York African Studies Association
From: Moses Ochonu <meochonu@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, January 24, 2021 2:19 PM
To: Emeagwali, Gloria (History) <emeagwali@ccsu.edu>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Restructuring In Nigeria: Why? How? When?, By Attahiru M. Jega
Sent: Sunday, January 24, 2021 2:19 PM
To: Emeagwali, Gloria (History) <emeagwali@ccsu.edu>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Restructuring In Nigeria: Why? How? When?, By Attahiru M. Jega
Please be cautious: **External Email**
Ethnic federalism unraveled in Ethiopia in part precisely because it was defined in ethnic terms and because the Tigray factor, a holdover from the time of rebellion and Zenawi's one party rule, was never tamed or accommodated within the new power configuration.
A lot was left to the vagaries of elite political arrangements that were largely adhoc and transactional. Egos and personalities clashed. The rest is history.
Every country is different. Nigeria's putative federalism will not and cannot be ethnically defined because, unlike Ethiopia, we have too many countervailing identity markers and such a bewildering array of identifying diversity within regions that it's difficult to see the Tigray situation play out.
I guess the most important point to make is that in Ethiopia, federalism remained largely symbolic as consequential power continued to be concentrated in Addis Ababa, at the center. The true meaning of federalism and regional autonomy remained untested until the Tigray government decided to try to live out the true import of autonomous federated rule.
I cannot extrapolate the Ethiopian unraveling to Nigeria but I concede that it is a cautionary tale and a teachable example for Nigeria as we try to craft a workable model of federalism to replace the unjust, dysfunctional de facto unitary system.
Sent from my iPhone
On Jan 24, 2021, at 10:45 AM, Emeagwali, Gloria (History) <emeagwali@ccsu.edu> wrote:
The irony of it all is that whilst Jega is calling for radical restructuring and decentralization of power, Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian leader is calling for the opposite. His "Prosperityparty" seeks to consolidate a unitary, deregionalized government with all powerat the center, a major shift from ethno -federalism. Time will tell whether his model works out.
Professor Gloria Emeagwali
Prof. of History/African Studies, CCSU
africahistory.net; vimeo.com/ gloriaemeagwali
Recipient of the 2014 Distinguished Research
Excellence Award, Univ. of Texas at Austin;
2019 Distinguished Africanist Award
New York African Studies Association
From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Moses Ebe Ochonu <meochonu@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, January 24, 2021 11:07 AM
To: USAAfricaDialogue <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Restructuring In Nigeria: Why? How? When?, By Attahiru M. JegaPlease be cautious: **External Email**
It is great that Jega is weighing in on the restructuring debate. I've always argued that:
1. Unless the benefits of restructuring to the north are patiently, respectfully, and painstakingly articulated for the persuasive consumption of Northern elites, the restructuring imperative will not translate to reality.
2. Until Northern intellectuals with heft and credibility enter the debate to bolster the case for restructuring, the elusive national consensus on the imperative will not emerge, and the north, which has always been suspicious of restructuring, which it sees as backdoor secession and an anti-northern conspiracy, will not come on board.
This is why Jega's lecture/op-ed is such an important and arguably seminal intervention. It could prove to be a game changer. I particularly love his frontal embrace of the core area of restructuring: radical decentralization of power and resources from the center to subnational units (from federal to state and state to LGs and ultimately to communities). I also love his aggressive timeline (before 2023) and the constitutional mechanism he proposes.
--On Sun, Jan 24, 2021 at 8:44 AM Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu> wrote:
--
Ololade Bamidele posted: " Effort and energies need to be devoted to generating an elite, if not a national, consensus on the necessity of restructuring, defined as the redistribution of power and resources from the federal to the state governments, to be embarked upon before 202"
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Restructuring In Nigeria: Why? How? When?, By Attahiru M. Jega
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