Sunday, September 18, 2022

Re: [External] Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Oil Theft

Thanks Gloria.


 I could be described as ignoring the fact Moses' critique is not against democracy but what he calls "liberal democracy". 

He argues for what he calls forms of democracy derived from African history.

I look forward to reading his understanding of liberal democracy and how it's unsuited to Africans.

You are presenting a case for recognizing the existence of alternative political systems and of the idea that liberal democracy is flawed.

He is arguing that liberal democracy is unsuited and in some cases hostile, to the cultural and political inclinations and socialzation of Africans, to reference his own words in his  unequivocal summation.

Underlining the fundamentality of his position as something going beyond electoral processes to implicate the foundations of how people think and behave, he describes his position as foundational and philosphical, and as pointing to the possibility of constructing more valid systems from the values derivable from  African history rather than uncritically importing what he described as the fruits of the West's "messy" efforts at understanding and applying it's own history.

These are very big claims.

He seems to be explicitly stating that his critique goes beyond the "surface", his own term, represented by the kinds of processes you are describing.

I'm keen on reading such political theory that seeks to prove that Africans' inclinations and social history are incompatible with liberal democracy.

I'm also interested in reading about better alternative systems that may be forged from African history.

 I'm happy to read books and essays on the subject in my own time, but would find it more convenient to read such an argument on this thread.

It would enable me better appreciate the dynamism of the argument as it responds to the present context.

Thanks


Toyin




On Sun, Sep 18, 2022, 21:55 Emeagwali, Gloria (History) <emeagwali@ccsu.edu> wrote:

"I find claims that democratic processes are 
unsuited  to Africans to be a frightening idea."

Nobody claimed that. The argument is that
Western liberal democracy is not the
only pathway to participation, governance
 and citizen activism, and that it is actually
a flawed system. But before we go any 
further we have to identify the variables
 that we identify with the ideal  African
democracy. Rapid  sustained growth,  
equitable distribution within and between 
regions and social groups, citizen
participation, environmental  justice,
health care accessibility - in the
context of a caring, non- sadistic 
political elite - come  to mind.
The question is how  to achieve these, 
and the other essential variables, 
without expensive, manipulative, ballot -
box rituals, corruption, and financier
and donor intrusion. Moses,
what does your model  look like?





Professor Gloria Emeagwali
Prof. of History/African Studies, CCSU
africahistory.net; vimeo.com/ gloriaemeagwali
Recipient of the 2014 Distinguished Research
Excellence Award, Univ. of Texas at Austin;
2019 Distinguished Africanist Award
New York African Studies Association

From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Oluwatoyin Adepoju <ovdepoju@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, September 18, 2022 10:35 AM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: [External] Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Oil Theft
 

EXTERNAL EMAIL: This email originated from outside of the organization. Do not click any links or open any attachments unless you trust the sender and know the content is safe.

It would be good to read rigorous political theory constructing a system different from what is being described as "liberal democracy".

I'm happy to read books and articles but prefer to start my reading from the medium where this possibility is being presented.

I find claims that democratic processes are unsuited  to Africans to be a frightening idea.

Perhaps I need a more nuanced understanding of the claim being made.

Thanks

Toyin



On Sun, Sep 18, 2022, 15:07 Moses Ebe Ochonu <meochonu@gmail.com> wrote:
Nigerian/African "pro-democracy" evangelists never disappoint with their regurgitation of frozen "pro-democratic" lingo. It's a hackneyed rhetorical maneuver that one can always count on as a response to any critique of their sacrosanct object of inexplicable adulation: liberal democracy. 

They're so predictable in their talking points. Just like I stated in my earlier intervention, Jibrin has predictably, and without any hint of self-awareness, invoked the two dirty words of "authoritarianism" and "militarism" to characterize critiques and critics of liberal democracy in Nigeria/Africa. This is always their reflexive, impulsive response, and it is because they cannot argue on the points. 

This binary, Manichean thinking is the reason we're stuck in this "madness" as Jibrin himself describes our liberal democratic experiment. What makes Jibrin and his "pro-democracy" activists believe that the alternative to liberal democracy is or must be military dictatorship or authoritarian rule? Are we too lazy that we cannot fashion our own type of democracy based on our political history, experience, and the sociological singularities of our countries? Are there no African or Nigerian democratic or proto-democratic forms that we can work out and refine through painstaking deliberation, intellectual craftsmanship, and philosophical reflection? Why must we import a democratic system that evolved from and was crafted in consonance with a foreign, Western political history when we have many varieties of democratic political and governing systems in our own history from which to build our own kind of democracy and democratic culture? As the Nigerian pidgin comedy slang goes, no be juju be dat?

As for the point about how long it took the West to build their liberal democratic system, two simple responses. First, liberal democracy is homegrown in the West, a product of their creative and necessarily messy intellectual and political work. They didn't import a system from Africa, Asia, or elsewhere. Second, have you seen the dysfunctional state of liberal democracy in the West lately? Have you seen what liberal democracy is doing to these so-called developed countries? You're alluding to the "problems" the system still has in the West and yet you're unashamedly defending the uncritical importation of this same system and its problems. Is that not a strange type of self-erasing contradiction?

Our critique of liberal democracy in Nigeria/Africa is not conditional on so-called democratic setbacks (to use a favorite jargon of you "pro-democracy" people) and the misbehavior of its superintendents or practitioners. That would be a surface-level, superficial critique. Our critique is a foundational and philosophical one. It goes to the heart of the incompatibility of liberal democracy and its assumptions and norms with our society. Some of these norms were tried by colonial regimes. They did not work. It's not simply a problem of Africans not abiding by or refusing to abide by the norms of liberal democracy as Ike Udogu claimed. It's a case of the norms themselves being unsuited, and in some cases hostile, to our cultural and political inclination and socialization. This is why some of us started critiquing this liberal democratic order in Nigeria as early as Obasanjo's tenure, long before the chaos and "madness" of this moment. Check the timeline of our publications and public commentaries on this topic.



On Sun, Sep 18, 2022 at 7:17 AM Jibrin Ibrahim <jibrinibrahim891@gmail.com> wrote:
I understand that it is easy for some people to get fed up with liberal democracy and seek alternatives after frustrations around poor operationalisation of the system by practitioners. Recall our history, 1sr Republic lasted six years, 2nd four years, 3rd did not take off and now 4th has been operationalised for 22 years and it still has so many problems. How long has it been in practice in the US and how come it still has problems. We need to be careful in assessing our history, such attitude led to support for militarism and authoritarianism that produced worse results. It easy to say there are better alternatives but the reality is that the alternatives have been tried in different forms of authoritarianism and we know the outcomes.

My defence for liberal democracy were published in different CODESRIA outputs in the 1990s, when I was a full time academic in Ahmadu Bello University and those who think I entered the bandwagon when I worked for the Centre for Democracy and Development, (by the way I retired from the Centre in 2013), from 2006 to 2013 need to do some home work..



 
Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17


On Sun, 18 Sept 2022 at 02:16, Harrow, Kenneth <harrow@msu.edu> wrote:
i am not very happy with winston churchill's answer or his conservative politics. what is there about his answer which blinded him to the antidemocratic politics of colonialism? i know the answer, since it is already buried in the earlier posting that told us that "developed" nations had valuable knowledge that "underdeveloped" nations needed, like issues of political succession. i am afraid of getting started on that one. how anyone could possibly regard the most highly developed technological and industrial nations as serving as models for poorer, non-industrial nations is a mystery to me, to anyone aware of the horrors of the 20th century. not one single "developed" nation did not engage in the destruction of millions of people in highly developed warfare; and as development is a concept dating to the enlightenment, the same question pertains to slavery or to what i would call industrial slavery as well, conditions of the working class in the early industrial revolution.

all the answers about capitalism, socialism, democracy, communism, that we are accustomed to hearing from our youth--in my case from the 1950s on--are inadequate.,.  also for me are other answers, claiming our own, each of us, with our national heritage need to forge systems appropriate to our histories and cultures. that doesn't work for me unless it can be harmonized with the conditions imposed on us by our modes of production, distribution, and consumption, by the technologies with which we live; nor is it adequate if it ignores conditions of exploitation.

if the swedish model of social democracy is not enough for a  provisional answer, we have to ask, what is going on in sweden or denmark that they are so hostile to immigrants, so much that sweden would accept neonazis in their new ruling coalition. i await cornelius's answer.

the countries most reasonable about backing away from violent exploitation or colonial domination are those that lost world war two. if history is written by the winners, perhaps decent politics begins with the losers.

as for "liberal democracy," it is too abstract given our global economy which really imposes social orders on all of us, willy-nilly. that has to be a starting point for speculation on social and political orders if it is to be appropriate for our world today
ken

kenneth harrow

professor emeritus

dept of english

michigan state university

517 803-8839

harrow@msu.edu


From: 'Emmanuel Udogu' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, September 17, 2022 6:33 PM
To: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: [External] Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Oil Theft
 

Opinion on the issue of Liberal Democracy 


I concur with Jibrin on the matter of Liberal Democracy. If anyone has a better system that will work for Nigeria and Africa, please suggest it. I, and other political scientists, will be open to analyzing it. 


Indeed, to paraphrase Sir Winston Churchil; 


"Democracy is a problematic system of governance, except that we are yet to come up with a better model." 


I have expressed my opinion on liberal democracy in this forum. Therefore, I will not flog a dead horse on the issue. 


I would suggest, however, that we should be less concerned with nomenclature–i.e.,liberal, social, consociational, and "WAZOBIA" democracy, just to list a few. Indeed, what is in a name? Rather, I would suggest that we review the characteristics of the framework–liberal democracy or "Wazobia" democracy to see how efficacious each might be for the Nigerian (or African) system. 


In my view, Liberal Democracy has not worked in the Nigerian case because of the character of some of our unpatriotic political actors who act on the basis of the "law of self-interest." They frequently ignore the legal praxis of Liberal Democracy because of their quest for power, money, and fame.  Witness, for example, the messy situation within the People Democratic Party (PDP) since its convention (within the context of the party's constitution). Are most of the politicians interested in the country and its hungry citizens? I don't think so.


If you are interested, please read: E. Ike Udogu, Democracy in Africa: Fiction or Fact (A paper presented in Budapest, Hungary, in May 2016).


Have a great weekend, y'all!


Ike Udogu



On Sat, Sep 17, 2022 at 3:21 PM Yusuf Adamu <yusufadamu@gmail.com> wrote:
Democracy that is being exported from the West is not for developing countries. Countries cannot and will not develop with democratic principles. It is an alien political system.
Yusuf Adamu 

On Sat, 17 Sep 2022, 4:20 pm Jibrin Ibrahim, <jibrinibrahim891@gmail.com> wrote:
T Falola
Please invent a good alternative to liberal democracy then we can talk.

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17


On Sat, 17 Sept 2022 at 15:37, Moses Ebe Ochonu <meochonu@gmail.com> wrote:
You have asked Jibrin a foundational question, one which "pro-democracy" Africans like him hesitate to pose let alone address. This democracy, this liberal democracy, is the death of Nigeria. It is calamitous and has put Nigeria in the abyss. All of these crimes that have been committed under the current regime against Nigeria and her future generations have been committed "democratically," that is, these abuses have been permitted and legitimized by the overbearing executive presidency and the winner-takes-all features of our liberal democratic practice.  

This democracy that we adopted (not adapted) uncritically has had a similarly ruinous effect on many other African countries. And yet our people are too lazy and or cowardly to rethink this ill-fitting "democratic" contraption and engineer an African form of representative, accountable, and democratic (yes, democratic) governance.

Those who want to advance foundational critiques against the democracy itself (rather than against actions and crimes of individuals permitted under it), are afraid to be called anti-democratic or undemocratic, or, worse, pro-authoritarian. So, we're stuck, accepting the nation-killing abuses of this democracy and wasting our time discussing atmospherics and critiquing the symptoms of a dysfunctional and, in our context, unworkable democracy rather than questioning the democracy itself--the genre of democracy we have uncritically borrowed from Oyinbo people.

With Jibin, I am not surprised. He won't give a clear answer to the question you asked him, a question that some of us have been asking in publications and public commentaries for almost 15 years. Jibrin was, for much of his career outside the academy, the head of the Center for Democracy and Development (CDD), a Western-funded pro-democracy NGO, a front for the propagation of liberal democracy in Nigeria. So, it's not surprising that no matter how disastrous our liberal democratic experiment has been and continues to be, Jibrin will remain committed to upholding and, in his famous words, "deepening democracy." The virus that causes the disease and symptoms he criticizes in his write-ups, liberal democracy, remains sacrosanct, beyond critique.

On another note, I read his current piece. I saw him name and skewer a variety of culprits for Nigeria's current state of insecurity and bankruptcy. His villains range from governors to officials of the NNPCL and the CBN, to "pirates," to Tompolo, to officials of the ministry of finance, to the security agencies, to unnamed officials of the government. Curiously missing from his list of culpable entities is the biggest one of all, Buhari, the man who appointed all these corrupt and misbehaving officials or supervises the rotten institutions, and under whose leadership said historic profligacy, criminal borrowing, and rapacious theft are happening. 

Does the buck no longer stop at the desk of the president? Reading Jibrin, one would be tempted to think that either he assumes that Nigeria does not have a leader or that there's some subconscious rule or logic that prevents him from naming the man who has led Nigeria into this mess, this "madness" as Jibrin calls it.

On Sat, Sep 17, 2022 at 2:53 AM Toyin Falola <toyinfalola@austin.utexas.edu> wrote:

Great Jibrin:

So, the state cannot secure a single means of its survival?

The Pharoah could not extract grains from peasants, but he wanted a pyramid as its tomb.

I have been asking you the same question for years: why are you committed to this democracy?

TF

 

From: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Jibrin Ibrahim <jibrinibrahim891@gmail.com>
Date: Saturday, September 17, 2022 at 2:40 AM
To: 'chidi opara reports' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Oil Theft

Oil Theft and Collapse of the Nigerian Rentier State

Jibrin Ibrahim, Deepening Democracy Column, Daily Trust, 16th September 2022

On Tuesday, Thisday newspaper carried a disturbing headline. Nigeria's petrol subsidy bill is skyrocketing this year and by the end of December, the total bill would be $9.8 billion. This would exceed the total expenditure by all the states of the federation in 2021. This information is in a new report by a member of President Muhammadu Buhari's Economic Advisory Council and Chief Executive Officer of Financial Derivatives Company Limited (FDC), Mr. Bismarck Rewane. Meanwhile the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has come out to confess that its revenue has collapsed due to massive crude oil theft. 
With oil theft and illegal bunkering taking as much as 400,000 barrels per day of the country's oil production, Rewane said as much as $1.2 billion was lost to the menace every month, which was the combined budget of Osun, Ekiti and Kwara in 2021.

The Rewane report adds that between 2015 to 2020, $5.5 billion was spent on subsidy, in 2021 alone it went up to $3.8 billion, and $6.2 billion in just the first quarter of 2022. There is no other word for it but madness. Nigeria in its moment of greatest need due to the collapse of revenue inflows, is suddenly bloating figures of petrol imports and subsidy. As it has no money to pay, it is borrowing massive amounts of money to pay subsidy for petrol, most of it bogus. Attempts by the National Assembly to establish what exactly is Nigeria's average daily petrol consumption has been obfuscated by NNPCL, Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank. The Nigerian Government is behaving like pirates raiding a ship, carrying all the valuables and then sinking the ship as they return to their ship. In our case however, what is being destroyed is Nigeria and very clearly, those in charge will loot everything, including the future wealth of our grandchildren, which they have already mortgaged and most likely move to Dubai after jumping ship.

Massive theft at the federal level is replicated at the state level. Many state governments continued to pile up debts and stealing the borrowed money they are getting in. They do not even bother to pay salaries. State Governors today live between Abuja and their foreign primary homes and hardly visit the states they are supposed to be governing. They have chosen their camp and it is not they state they are supposed to be ruling.

The federal government recently put the current daily spend on maintaining the petrol subsidy at N18.4 billion for 2022.
The Director General of the Budget Office of the Federation, Mr. Ben Akabueze, in an interview, suggested that Nigeria might seek relief from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) if it was unable to address its fiscal challenges. The whole world knows about Nigeria's madness of allowing state sponsored pirates to take over its petroleum production and exports while massively borrowing new money for the same Pirates to steal from. Why would any rational institution come into this crazy trap? When the history of this madness is written, the present regime's economic management team would rise to infamy for continuously asserting we are an under-borrowed country and can continue along the path leaving the deadly legacy to our grandchildren. Maybe it is befitting that the Nigerian state is today reliant on a militant, Mr. Government Ekpemupolo, also known as Tompolo, who got a $1.08 billion to stop the theft. Why not, after all, his name is Government.

Nigeria today has the 25th highest inflation rate in the world, with price rises mainly driven by higher energy and food prices. The naira had lost at least 94.87 per cent of its value in five years, crossing N715/$, before falling to N645/$ recently, and now trading at N703/$. Last week, the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and its allies slashed Nigeria's production for the month by 4,000 barrels per day, to 1.826 million bpd, as against the 1.830 million bpd allocated in September. But Nigeria had even before then been unable to meet all of its production allocation, hitting just 1.083 million bpd in the July assessment and falling even lower to 972,000 barrels in August says the Rewane report.

A rentier state is one that is dependent on a narrow single extractive source of revenue such as crude oil. Such states are totally dependent on that source and in normal situations would do everything in their power to protect it. The Nigerian ruling class is so irresponsible that it is unable, maybe unwilling to protect its source of revenue. A few weeks ago, a super tanker with capacity to carry three million litres of crude was discovered and an alert sent to arrest it. It allegedly escaped as if it was a small speed boat carrying 100 litres of crude. For a super tanker like that to allegedly escape, it must have the support of the political and security hierarchy in addition to the NNPCL authorities that certify legitimate carriers. 

What this means is that within the establishment, there is no one working to serve the interests of Nigeria. For the pirates that are ruling and ruining our country, their commitment to stealing all our resources is that only thing that matters. They are comforted by the knowledge that there is no sheriff in town to question or checkmate their activities. It is very clear where the current dynamics are leading the Nigerian state to – collapse and dismemberment. The onus is on us, 200 million citizens, to elect the government we deserve that can engage the path of salvation and reconstruction. The consequences of state collapse are too serious to accept for the largest population of Black people in the world.

 

 

 

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim

Senior Fellow

Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja

Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

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